Bangladesh Awami League



Awami League
for Democracy
Freedom peace
progress &
Prosperity




আগামী ১৭ মার্চ জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের জন্মদিন ও জাতীয় শিশু দিবসের কর্মসুচি

 আগামী ১৭ মার্চ জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের জন্মদিন ও জাতীয় শিশু দিবসের কর্মসুচিবৃহস্পতিবার |

 ১৭ মার্চ ১৯২০ সাল। এই দিনে শান্তি ও মুক্তির বারতা নিয়ে জন্মগ্রহণ করেছিলেন বাঙালি জাতির হাজার বছরের কাঙ্ক্ষিত সন্তান শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান। তাঁর সাহসী, দৃঢ়চেতা, আপোষহীন নেতৃত্ব ও বীরত্বপূর্ণ সংগ্রামে অনুপ্রাণিত হয়ে জেগে উঠেছিল একটি নিপীড়িত পরাধীন জাতি। দেশের মানুষকে স্বাধীনতা ও মুক্তির অদম্য সপৃহায় তিনি ঐক্যের দুর্গ গড়ে তুলেছিলেন। যাঁর বজ্রকণ্ঠ ১৯৭১ সালের ৭ মার্চ বাঙালি জনগোষ্ঠীকে স্বাধীনতা অর্জনের লক্ষ্যে পাকিস্তানি ঔপনিবেশিক শাসকগোষ্ঠীর বিরুদ্ধে চূড়ান্ত মরণপন সশস্ত্র যুদ্ধে ঝাঁপিয়ে পড়তে শক্তি ও সাহস যুগিয়েছিল। তিনি আমাদের মাতৃভূমি জননী জন্মভূমিকে গরবিনী করেছেন।

পরাধীনতার শৃঙ্খল মোচনে তিনি বাঙালি জাতিকে মুক্তির মহামন্ত্রে উজ্জীবিত করে ধাপে ধাপে এগিয়ে নিয়ে গেছেন স্বাধীনতার লক্ষ্যে। ৫২, ৬২, ৬৬ আর ৬৯-এর মহান গণঅভ্যুত্থানের পথ পেরিয়ে ৭০-এর ঐতিহাসিক নির্বাচনে নিরঙ্কুশ বিজয় সবই বাঙালি জাতির গৌরবোজ্জ্বল সংগ্রামী ইতিহাসের এক একটি মাইলফলক। আর এই সংগ্রামের উৎস ছিলেন বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান। ১৯৭১ সালের ২৫ মার্চের কালোরাতে পাকহানাদার বাহিনী নিরস্ত্র বাঙালির উপর নির্বিচারে গণহত্যা চালানোর অব্যবহিত পর বঙ্গবন্ধু বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা ঘোষণা করেন। তাঁর আহ্বানে সাড়া দিয়ে হিন্দু-মুসলমান-বৌদ্ধ-খ্রিস্টান-আদিবাসী-উপজাতি তথা ধর্ম-বর্ণ-গোত্র-শ্রেণী নির্বিশেষে সমগ্র বাঙালি জাতি ঐক্যবদ্ধভাবে মুক্তিযুদ্ধে ঝাঁপিয়ে পড়ে। ৯ মাসব্যাপী রক্তক্ষয়ী সশস্ত্র যুদ্ধে ৩০ লক্ষ শহীদের আত্মদান ও ২ লক্ষ মা-বোনের সম্ভ্রমহানির বিনিময়ে বাংলাদেশের মানুষ স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধের বিজয় ছিনিয়ে আনে।

স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধের বিজয় লাভের পর পাকিস্তানের বন্দিদশা থেকে জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান মুক্তি লাভ করে ১৯৭২ সালের ১০ জানুয়ারি স্বদেশ ভূমিতে ফিরে এসে যুদ্ধ-বিধ্বস্ত বাংলাদেশের পুনগর্ঠন ও পুনর্বাসনের পাশাপাশি রাষ্ট্র পরিচালনায় আত্মনিয়োগ করেন। স্বাধীন ও সার্বভৌম বাংলাদেশের মহান স্থপতি জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান তাঁর প্রতিষ্ঠিত স্বাধীন ও সার্বভৌম বাংলাদেশে মাত্র সাড়ে তিন বছর বেঁচে ছিলেন। মানবতার শত্রু, ঘৃণ্য ঘাতকের দল ১৯৭৫ সালের ১৫ আগস্ট তাকে নির্মমভাবে সপরিবারে হত্যা করে।

বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা এবং এদেশের দুঃখী মানুষের মুখে হাসি ফুটানোই ছিল বঙ্গবন্ধুর জীবনের একমাত্র চাওয়া-পাওয়া। যার জন্য জীবনে তিনি জেল-জুলুম-হুলিয়া কোনকিছুই পরোয়া করেননি। শত যন্ত্রণা, দুঃখ, কষ্ট-বেদনাকে তিনি সহ্য করেছেন। ফাঁসির মঞ্চও যার কাছে ছিল তুচ্ছ-তিনি হচ্ছেন সর্বকালের সর্বশ্রেষ্ঠ বাঙালি জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান।

এক কথায় বলতে গেলে বাংলা, বাঙালি, শেখ মুজিব একবৃন্তে তিনটি চেতনার ফুল। বিশ্বের মুক্তিকামী মানুষের মাঝে বঙ্গবন্ধু চিরদিন অম্লান থাকবেন। তদ্রুপ বাংলার শোষিত-বঞ্চিত-নির্যাতিত-মেহনতি জনতার হৃদয়ে চিরভাস্বর থাকবেন।

প্রতিবারের ন্যায় সমগ্র জাতির সাথে এবারও বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ যথাযোগ্য মর্যাদার সাথে জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের জন্মদিনকে বিভিন্ন কর্মসূচির মধ্য দিয়ে স্মরণ ও পালন করবে।

১৭ মার্চ ২০১২ জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানেরজন্মদিন ও জাতীয় শিশু দিবসের কর্মসুচি১৭ মার্চ ২০১২ শনিবারসকাল ৬.৩০ মি. বঙ্গবন্ধু ভবন ও দেশব্যাপী দলীয় কার্যালয়ে জাতীয় ও দলীয় পতাকা উত্তোলন।সকাল ৭.৩০ মি. বঙ্গবন্ধু ভবন প্রাঙ্গণে রক্ষিত জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের প্রতিকৃতিতে শ্রদ্ধার্ঘ্য অর্পণ।

টুঙ্গীপাড়ার কর্মসূচিসকাল ১০.৩০ মি. বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ সভাপতি জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনার নেতৃত্বে কেন্দ্রীয় প্রতিনিধি দলের টুঙ্গীপাড়ায় চিরনিদ্রায় শায়িত জাতির জনক বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের সমাধিতে শ্রদ্ধার্ঘ্য অর্পণ, মিলাদ ও দোয়া মাহফিলে অংশগ্রহণ; এছাড়াও শিশু সমাবেশ, আলোচনা সভা, গ্রন্থমেলা ও সাংস্কৃতিক অনুষ্ঠান অনুষ্ঠিত হবে।

টুঙ্গীপাড়ার কর্মসূচিতে কেন্দ্রীয় নেতৃবৃন্দের মাঝে সভাপতিমণ্ডলীর সদস্য সৈয়দা সাজেদা চৌধুরী এমপি, শেখ ফজলুল করিম সেলিম এমপি, কাজী জাফর উল্লাহ, সাধারণ সম্পাদক সৈয়দ আশরাফুল ইসলাম এমপি, কেন্দ্রীয় কার্যনির্বাহী সংসদের সদস্য আবুল হাসনাত আব্দুল্লাহ, সাংগঠনিক সম্পাদক বি.এম মোজাম্মেল হক এমপি, আ.ফ.ম বাহাউদ্দিন নাছিম, ধর্ম বিষয়ক সম্পাদক আলহাজ্ব অ্যাডভোকেট শেখ মোহাম্মদ আব্দুল্লাহ, শিল্প ও বাণিজ্য সম্পাদক লে. কর্নেল (অব.) ফারুক খান এমপি, শ্রম ও জনশক্তি বিষয়ক সম্পাদক হাবিবুর রহমান সিরাজ, কেন্দ্রীয় কার্যনির্বাহী সংসদের সদস্য শেখ হারুন অর রশিদ, বেগম মন্নুজান সুফিয়ান এমপি, শ্রী বিপুল ঘোষ, ড. শিরীন শারমীন চৌধুরী এমপি প্রমুখ উপস্থিত থাকবেন।

১৮ মার্চ ২০১২ রবিবারঅপরাহ্ন ৩-৩০ মি. আলোচনা সভা : স্থান- বঙ্গবন্ধু আন্তর্জাতিক সস্মেলন কেন্দ্র।

প্রধান অতিথি- বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ সভাপতি এবং গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাংলাদেশ সরকারের মাননীয় প্রধানমন্ত্রী জননেত্রী শেখ হাসিনা এমপি।

সভাপতিত্ব করবেন- বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ সভাপতিমণ্ডলীর সদস্য ও সংসদ উপনেতা সৈয়দা সাজেদা চৌধুরী এমপি।

আলোচনা করবেন- বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগের কেন্দ্রীয় নেতৃবৃন্দ ও বরেণ্য বুদ্ধিজীবীবৃন্দ। 

BANGLADESH AWAMI LEAGUE

 

 

 

https://fbcdn-sphotos-f-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-xpf1/v/t1.0-9/1959685_1495043824077667_8999739883057477713_n.jpg?oh=ff83611762d1262eb6e971bbcf3981c0&oe=54C2430B&__gda__=1422799969_cbb66fcbe9eaf81edfd44a5bf7fdc2feThe Bangladesh Awami League (AL) (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ; translated from FarsiBangladesh People's League), commonly known as the Awami League, is the mainstream center-leftsecular political party in Bangladesh. It is also currently the governing party after winning the 2008 Parliamentary elections in Bangladesh.

The Awami League was founded in Dhaka, the former capital of the Pakistani province ofEast Bengal, in 1949 by Bengali nationalists Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani,Shamsul Huq, and later Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy. The Awami League was established as the Bengali alternative to the domination of the Muslim League in Pakistan. The party quickly gained massive popular support in East Bengal, later named East Pakistan, and eventually led the forces of Bengali nationalism in the struggle against West Pakistan's military and political establishment. The party under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh, would lead the struggle for independence, first through massive populist and civil disobedience movements, such as the Six Point Movement and 1971 Non-Cooperation Movement, and then during the Bangladesh Liberation War. After the emergence of independent Bangladesh, the Awami League would win the first general elections in 1973 but was overthrown in 1975 after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.The party was forced by subsequent military regimes into political wilderness and many of its senior leaders and actvists were executed and jailed. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Awami League emerged as one of the principal players of Bangladeshi politics.

Amongst the leaders of the Awami League, five have become the President of Bangladesh, four have become the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and one became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Since the independence of Bangladesh, the party has been under the control of the family of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. His daughter and also the incumbent Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, have been heading the party since 1981.

The Bangladesh Awami League styles itself as the leader of the "pro-liberation" forces in Bangladesh, pointing towards the secular and social democratic sections of the political establishment in the country which played the leading role during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. The party constitution states, and in two cases defines the reason for, four fundamental principles in guiding its philosophy and policies. They include-

§  Bengali nationalism

§  Democracy

§  Secularism, that is to ensure freedom of religion and non-communal politics

§  Socialism, that is to establish an exploitation-free society and social justice

The four principles are similar to those of the original Four State Principles in Bangladesh's constitution which

Included nationalism, secularitydemocracy and socialism.

Prior to the 2008 general elections in Bangladesh, the Awami League announced in its manifesto, its "Vision 2021" and "Digital Bangladesh" action plans to transform Bangladesh into a fast developing Middle Income Country by 2021.[2] The party also uses the term "Sonar Bangla", or golden Bengal, to describe its vision for Bangladesh to become a modern developed nation. The term is reminiscent of Bangladesh's national anthem and a utopian vision in Bengali nationalism.

History

The history of the Bangladesh Awami League falls into three distinct eras:

§  The Early Pakistan Era, when the party championed the rights of the Bengali people in Pakistan;

§  The Movement for Independence, when the party led the forces of Bengali nationalism in establishing the sovereign state of Bangladesh;

§  The Post Independence Era, when the party is a major player in Bangladeshi politics and often suffered volatile experiences.

Early Pakistan Era

On 14 August 1947, the partition of British India saw the establishment of the Muslim state of Pakistan on the basis of the Two-Nation Theory. The new country compromised of two wings, separated by 1000 miles of Indian Territory, in the Indian Subcontinent. The western wing consisted of the provinces of PunjabSindhNorth West Frontier Province and Balochistan, while the province of East Bengal constituted the eastern wing. From the onset of independence, Pakistan was led by its founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his Muslim League party.

In 1948, there was rising agitation in East Bengal against the omission of Bengali script from coins, stamps and government exams. Thousands of students, mainly from the University of Dhaka, protested in Dhaka and clashed with security forces. Prominent student leaders including Shamsul HuqShawkat AliKazi Golam MahboobOli AhadSheikh Mujibur Rahman and Abdul Wahed were arrested and the police were accused of excessive brutality while charging protesters. In March, senior Bengali political leaders were attacked whilst leading protests demanding that Bengali be declared an official language in Pakistan. The leaders included the A. K. Fazlul Huq, the former Prime Minister of undivided Bengal. Amidst the rising discontent in East Bengal, Jinnah visited Dhaka and announced that Urdu would be sole state language of Pakistan given its significance to Islamic nationalism in South Asia. The announcement caused uproar in East Bengal, where the native Bengali population resented Jinnah for his attempts to impose a language they hardly understood. The resentment was further fueled by rising discrimination against Bengalis in government, industry, bureaucracy and the armed forces and the dominance of the Muslim League. The Bengalis argued that they were they constituted the ethnic majority of Pakistan's population and Urdu was remote to the land of Bengal, located in the eastern Indian Subcontinent. Moreover, the rich literary heritage of the Bengali language and the deep rooted secular culture of Bengali society led to a strong sense of linguistic and cultural nationalism amongst the people of East Bengal. Against this backdrop, Bengali nationalism began to take root within the Muslim League and the party's Bengali members began to rebel.

All Pakistan Awami Muslim League

Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasanifounding President of the Awami League

On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim League, Pakistan's dominant political party, and established the All Pakistan Awami Muslim League. The party was founded at the Rose Garden mansion in the old part of Dhaka. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Huqwere elected the first President and General Secretary of the party respectively, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and A. K. Rafiqul Hussain were elected the party's first Joint Secretaries.[10] The party was formed to champion the rights of masses in Pakistan against the powerful feudal establishment led by the Muslim League. However, due to its strength stemming from the discriminated Bengali population of Pakistan's eastern wing, the party eventually became associated and identified with East Bengal.

Rose Garden in Old Dhaka, the birthplace of the Awami League

In 1952, the Awami Muslim League and its student wing played an instrumental role in the Bengali Language Movement, during which Pakistani security forces fired upon thousands of protesting students demanding Bengali be declared an official language of Pakistan and famously killing a number of students including Abdus SalamRafiq Uddin AhmedAbul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar. The events of 1952 is widely seen by historians today as a turning point in the history of Pakistan and the Bengali people, as it was the starting point of the Bengali nationalist struggle that eventually culminated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. In 1953, the party's council meeting voted to drop the word "Muslim" from its name in order to give it a more secular outlook, owing to need of including the province's large Hindu population in Pakistani politics.

United Front

 United Front cabinet of Chief Minister A. K. Fazlul Huq

In the run up to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections in 1954, the Awami League took the lead in negotiations in forming a pan-Bengali political alliance including the Krishak Praja Party, Nizam-e-Islam and Ganatantri Dal. The alliance was termed the Jukta Front or United Front and formulated the Ekush Dafa, or 21-point Charter, to fight the Muslim League. The party also took the historic decision to adopt the traditional Bengali boat, which signified the attachment to rural Bengal, as its election symbol.

The election swept the United Front coalition into power in East Bengal with a massive mandate of 223 seats out of 237 seats. The Awami League itself bagged 143 seats while the Muslim League won only 9 seats. A. K. Fazlul Huq assumed the office of Chief Minister of East Bengal and drew up a cabinet containing many of the prominent student activists that were leading movements against the Pakistani state. They included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Awami League, who served as commerce minister.

Leaders of the new provincial government demanded greater provincial autonomy for East Bengal and eventually succeeded in pressuring Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra, himself a Bengali, to endorse the proposed constitutional recognition of Bengali as an official language of Pakistan. The United Front also passed a landmark order for the establishment of the Bangla Academy in Dhaka.  As tensions with the western wing grew due to the demands for greater provincial autonomy in East Bengal, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed the United Front government on 29 May 1954 under Article 92/A of the provisional constitution of Pakistan.

Tenure in Central Government

In September 1956, the Awami League formed a coalition with the Republican Party to secure a majority in the new National Assembly of Pakistan and took over the central government. Awami League President Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy pursued a reform agenda to reduce the long standing economic disparity between East and West Pakistan, greater representation of Bengalis in the Pakistani civil and armed services and he unsuccessfully attempted to alleviate the food shortage in the country.  The Awami League also began deepening relations with the United States. The government moved to join the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO), the two strategic defense alliances in Asia inspired by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Maulana Bhashani, one of the party's founders, condemned the decision of the Suhrawardy government and called a conference in February, 1957 at Kagmari in East Bengal. He protested the move and the support lent by the Awami League leadership to the government. Bhashani broke away from the Awami League and then formed the leftist National Awami Party (NAP).

The controversy over One Unit (the division of Pakistan into only two provinces, east and west) and the appropriate electoral system for Pakistan, whether joint or separate, also revived as soon as Suhrawardy became Prime Minster. In West Pakistan, there was strong opposition to the joint electorate by the Muslim League and the religious parties. The Awami League however, strongly supported the joint electorate. These differences over One Unit and the appropriate electorate caused problems for the government.

By early 1957, the movement for the dismemberment of the One Unit had started. Suhrawardy was at the mercy of central bureaucracy fighting to save the One Unit. Many in the business elite in Karachi were lobbying against Suhrawardy's decision to distribute millions of dollars of American aid to East Pakistan and to set up a national shipping corporation. Supported by these lobbyists, President Iskander Mirza demanded the Prime Minister's resignation. Suhrawardy requested to seek a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, but this request was turned down. Suhrawardy resigned under threat of dismissal on October 10, 1957.

 Ayub Khan coup and martial law

On 7 October 1958, President Iskander Mirza declared martial law and appointed army chief General Ayub Khan as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Ayub Khan eventually deposed Mirza in a bloodless coup. By promulgating the Political Parties Elected Bodies Disqualified Ordinance, Ayub banned all major political parties in Pakistan. Senior politicians, including the entire top leadership of the Awami League, were arrested and most were kept under detention till 1963.

In 1962, Ayub Khan drafted a new constitution, modeled on indirect election, through an electoral college, and termed it 'Basic Democracy'. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy joined Nurul AminKhwaja Nazimuddin, Maulvi Farid Ahmed and Hamidul Haq Chowdhury in forming National Democratic Front against Ayub Khan's military-backed rule and to restore elective democracy. However the alliance failed to obtain any concessions. Instead the electoral colleges appointed a new parliament and the President exercised executive authority.

Wide spread discrimination prevailed in Pakistan against Bengalis during the regime of Ayub Khan. Harsh restrictions were imposed on major Bengali cultural symbols, including a ban on the airing of Rabindra Sangeet public. The University of Dhaka became a hotbed for student activism advocating greater rights for Bengalis and the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.

On 5 December 1963, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was found dead in his hotel room in BeirutLebanon. His sudden death under mysterious circumstances gave rise to speculation within the Awami League and the general population in East Pakistan that he had been poisoned.

1966 to 1971

he 6-point demands, proposed by Mujib, were widely accepted by the East Pakistani populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan. After the so-called Agartala Conspiracy Case, and subsequent end of the Ayub Khan regime in Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population. In the elections of 1970, the Awami League won 167 of 169 East Pakistan seats in the National Assembly but none of West Pakistan's 138 seats. It also won 288 of the 300 provincial assembly seats in East Pakistan.[14][15] This win gave the Awami League a healthy majority in the 313-seat National Assembly and placed it in a position to establish a national government without a coalition partner. This was not acceptable to the political leaders of West Pakistan and led directly to the events of the Bangladesh Liberation War. The AL leaders, taking refuge in India, successfully led the war against the Pakistani Army throughout 1971.

1975 to 1996These negative developments led to a widespread dissatisfaction among the people and even inside the Army. On 15 August 1975 some junior members of the armed forces in Dhaka, led by Major Faruk Rahman and Major Rashid, assassinated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and all his family members. Within months, on November 3, 1975, four more of its top leaders, Syed Nazrul IslamTajuddin Ahmed, CaptainMuhammad Mansur Ali and A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman were killed inside the Dhaka Central Jail. Only Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, two daughters of Mujib, survived the massacre as they were in West Germany as a part of a cultural exchange program. They later claimed political asylum in the United Kingdom. Sheikh Rehana, the younger sister, chose to remain in the UK permanently, while Sheikh Hasina moved to India and lived in self imposed exile. Her stays abroad helped her gain important political friends in the West and in India that proved to be a valuable asset for the party in the future.

After 1975, the party remained split into several rival factions, and fared poorly in the 1979 parliamentary elections held under a military government. In 1981 Sheikh Hasina returned after the largest party faction, the "Bangladesh Awami League", elected her its president, and she proceeded to take over the party leadership and unite the factions. As she was under age at the time she could not take part in the 1981 presidential elections that followed the assassination of then President Ziaur Rahman.

The Awami League emerged as the largest opposition party in parliament in the elections in 1991, following the uprising against Ershad. It made major electoral gains in 1994 as its candidates won mayoral elections in the two largest cities of the country: the capital Dhaka and the commercial capital Chittagong. Demanding electoral reforms the party resigned from the parliament in 1995, boycotted the February 1996 parliamentary polls, and subsequently won 146 out of 300 seats in June 1996 parliamentary polls. Supported by a few smaller parties, the Awami League formed a "Government of National Unity," and elected a non-partisan head of state, retired Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed.

1996 to 2001

AL's second term in office had mixed achievements. Apart from sustaining economic stability during the Asian economic crisis, the government successfully settled Bangladesh's long standing dispute with India over sharing the water of the river Ganga (also known as Padma) in late 1996, and signed a peace treaty with tribal rebels in 1997. In 1998, Bangladesh faced one of the worst floods ever, and the government handled the crisis satisfactorily. It also had significant achievements in containing inflation, and peacefully neutralising a long-running leftist insurgency in south-western districts dating back to the first AL government's time. However, rampant corruption allegations against party office bearers and ministers as well as a deteriorating law and order situation troubled the government. Its pro poor policies achieved wide microeconomic development but that left the country's wealthy business class dissatisfied. The AL's last months in office were marred by sporadic bombing by alleged Islamist militants. Hasina herself escaped several attempts on her life, in one of which two anti-tank mines were planted under her helipad in Gopalganj district. In July 2001, the second AL government stepped down, becoming the first elected government in Bangladesh to serve a full term in office.

The party won only 62 out of 300 parliamentary seats in the elections held in October 2001, despite bagging 40% of the votes, up from 36% in 1996 and 33% in 1991. The BNP and its allies won a two thirds majority in parliament with 46% of the votes cast, with BNP alone winning 41% up from 33% in 1996 and 30% in 1991.

2001 to 2008

In its second term in opposition since 1991, the party suffered the assassination of several key members. Popular young leader Ahsanullah Master, a Member of Parliament from Gazipur, was killed in 2004. This was followed by a grenade attack on Hasina during a public meeting on August 21, 2004, resulting in the death of 22 party supporters, including party women's secretary Ivy Rahman, though Hasina lived. Finally, the party's electoral secretary, ex finance minister, and veteran diplomat Shah M S Kibria, a Member of Parliament from Habiganj, was killed in a grenade attack in Sylhet later that year.

In June 2005, the Awami League won an important victory when the AL nominated incumbent mayor A.B.M. Mohiuddin Chowdhury won the important mayoral election in Chittagong, by a huge margin, against BNP nominee State Minister of Aviation Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin. This election was seen as a showdown between the Awami League and the BNP. However, the killing of party leaders continued. In December 2005, the AL supported Mayor of Sylhet narrowly escaped the third attempt on his life as a grenade thrown at him failed to explode.

In September 2006, several of the party's top leaders, including Saber Hossain Choudhury MP and Asaduzzaman Nur MP, were hospitalized after being critically injured by police beatings while they demonstrated in support of electoral-law reforms. Starting in late October 2006, the Awami League led alliance carried out a series of nationwide demonstrations and blockades centering on the selection of the leader of the interim caretaker administration to oversee the 2007 elections. Although an election was scheduled to take place on January 22, 2007 that the Awami League decided to boycott, the country's military intervened on January 11, 2007 and installed an interim government composed of retired bureaucrats and military officers.

Throughout 2007 and 2008, the military backed government tried to root out corruption and get rid of the two dynastic leaders of the AL and BNP. While these efforts largely failed, they succeeded in producing a credible voter list that was used in the December 29, 2008 national election.

National election 2008

The Awami league participated in the national election on December 29, 2008 as part of a larger electoral alliance that also included theJatiya Party led by former military ruler General Ershad as well as some leftist parties. According to the Official Results of the 2008 National Elections posted by the Election Commission, Bangladesh Awami League has won 230 out of 299 constituencies, and together with its allies, have a total of 262 seats. The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total votes cast. The AL alone got 48%, compared to 36% of the other major alliance led by the BNP which by itself got 33% of the votes. Ex-Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, as party head, is the Prime Minister-Elect. Her term of office is likely to begin on January 10, 2009. She is expected to head a 30-35 member government that will include cabinet members from the Awami League's electoral allies.

Wings of Bangladesh Awami League

§  Bangladesh Awami Jubo League

§  Bangladesh Students League

§  Bangladesh Krishak League

§  Bangladesh Sromik League

§  Bangladesh Swechchasebak League

 

 

   

About Bangabandhu: Abdul Gaffar Choudhury

FATHER OF THE BENGALI NATION

BANGABANDHU SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN

 

He  is  not  a  mere  individual. He in an institution. A movement. A revolution.  An upsurge. He is the architect of the nation. He is the essence of epic poetry and he is history.

This   history   goes   back   a   thousand years. Which is why contemporary history  has  recognized him as the greatest Bengali of the past thousand years. The future will call him the superman of eternal time.

And  he  will  live,  in  luminosity  reminiscent  of  a  bright  star,  in historical  legends.  He  will show the path to the Bengali nation his dreams   are   the   basis   of   the   existence   of   the  nation.  A remembrance  of  him is the culture and society that Bengalis have sketched  for  themselves.  His  possibilities,  the promises thrown forth by him, are the fountain-spring of the civilized existence of the Bengalis.

He is a   friend to the masses. To the nation he is the Father. In the view of men  and women in other places and other climes, he is the founder of sovereign Bangladesh. Journalist Cyril Dunn once said of him, "In the thousand - year history of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujib is the only  leader who has, in terms of blood, race, language, culture and  birth,  been  a  full - blooded Bengali. His physical stature was immense. His  voice  was redolent of thunder. His charisma worked magic  on  people.  The   courage  and  charm that flowed from him made him a unique superman in these times."Newsweek magazine has called him the poet of politics.

The leader of the British humanist movement, the  late Lord Fenner Brockway   once  remarked,  "In a sense,  Sheikh  Mujib is a great leader than George Washington, Mahatma Gandhi and De Valera." The  greatest  journalist of  the  new Egypt, Hasnein Heikal (former editor  of  Al  Ahram  and  close   associate   of   the late President Nasser) has said, "Nasser is not simply of Egypt.  Arab  world. His Arab nationalism is the message of freedom for the Arab people. In similar  fashion,  Sheikh   Mujibur   Rahman   does  not  belong  to Bangladesh  alone.  He  is the harbinger of freedom for all Bangalis. His Bengali   nationalism   is   the   new   emergence   of  Bengali civilization   and  culture. Mujib  is  the hero of the Bengalis, inn the past and in the times that are.

Embracing  Bangabandhu  at  the  Algiers Non - Aligned Summit in 1973, Cuba’s  Fidel  Castro  noted, "I have not seen the Himalayas. But  I  have  seen  Sheikh Mujib. In personality and in courage, this man is the Himalayas. I have thus had the experience of witnessing the Himalayas.

Upon  hearing  the  news  of  Bangabandhu's assassination, former British  Prime  Minister Harold Wilson wrote to a Bengali Journalist, "This  is  surely  a  supreme national tragedy for you. For me it is a personal tragedy of immense dimensions." Refers to the founder of a nation-state. In  Europe,  the  outcome  of  democratic  national aspirations   has   been   the  rise  of  modern  nationalism  and the national  state. Those  who  have  provided leadership in the task of the  creation  of nations or nation-states have fondly been called by their peoples as  founding fathers and have been placed on the high perches  of  history. Such  is  the reason why Kamal Ataturk is the creator of modern Turkey. And  thus it is that Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur  Rahman   is  the  founder  of the Bengali nation - state and father  of  the  nation  of his fellow Bengalis. But in more ways than one, Sheikh Mujib has been a more successful founding father than either  Ataturk  or  Gandhi. Turkey existed even during the period of the Ottoman Empire. Once  the empire fell, Ataturk took control of Turkey  and  had  it  veer  away  from  western  exploitation through giving shape to a democratic nation - state. In Gandhi’s case, India and  Indians  did  not lose their national status either before or after him. But once the British left the subcontinent, the existence of the Bengali nation appeared to have been blotted out. The new  rulers  of the new state of Pakistan called Bangladesh by the  term  "East  Pakistan"  in  their   constitution.   By   pushing a thousand - year   history   into  the   shadows,  the Pakistani rulers imposed  the  nomenclature  of  "Pakistanis"  on  the  Bengalis, so much so that using the term "Bengali" or  "Bangladesh"  amounted to sedition in the eyes of the  Pakistani  state. The first man to rise in defense of the Bengali, his  history and his heritage, was Sheikh Mujibur  Rahman.  On  25   August   1955, he  said in the Pakistan Constituent  Assembly,  "Mr.  Speaker,  they ( government) want to change  the  name  of  East  Bengal  into  East Pakistan. We have always   demanded   that   the   name ‘Bangla’ be used. There is a history behind the term Bangla. There  is  a  tradition, a heritage, If this  name  is  at  all to be changed, the question should be placed before  the  people  of  Bengal: are  they ready to have their identity changed?"

Sheikh   Mujib’s demand   was ignored.  Bangladesh began to be called East Pakistan by the rulers. Years later, after his release from  the  so - called  Agartalas  case, Sheikh  Mujib  took  the first step  toward  doing  away with the misdeed imposed on his people. On 5 December 1969, he said, "At one time, attempts were made to wipe out all traces of Bengali history and aspirations. Except for the   Bay  of  Bengal,  the  term Bengal is not seen anywhere. On behalf   of   the   people  of  Bengal, I   am   announcing  today that henceforth   the  eastern  province of Pakistan will, instead of being called East Pakistan, be known as Bangladesh." Sheikh Mujib's revolution was not merely directed at the achievement of political freedom. Once the Bengali nation - state was established, it become his goal to carry through programmes geared to the achievement of national economic welfare. The end of exploitation was one underlying principle of his programme, which he called the Second Revolution. While there are many who admit today that Gandhi was the founder of the non - violent non - cooperation movement, they believe it was an effective use of that principle which enabled Sheikh Sheikh Mujib to create history. Mujib's politics was a natural follow - up to the struggle and movements of Bengal's mystics, its religious preachers, Titumir's crusade, the Indigo Revolt, Gandhiji's non - cooperation, and Subhash Chandra Bose's armed attempt for freedom. The secularism of Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das, the liberal democratic politics of Sher-e-Bangla A. K. Fazlul Hague and Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy Contributed to the molding of the Mujib character. He was committed to public welfare. Emerging free of the limitations of western democracy, he wished to see democracy sustain Bengali nationalism. It was this dream that led to the rise of his ideology. At the United Nations, he was the first man to speak of his dreams, his people's aspiration, in Bangla. The language was, in that swift stroke of politics, recognized by the global community. For the first time after Rabindranath Tagore's Nobel achievement in 1913, Bangla was put on a position of dignity. The multifaceted life to the great man cannot be put together in language or color. The reason is put on; Mujib is greater than his creation. It is not possible to hold within the confines of the frame the picture of such greatness. He is our emancipation - today and tomorrow. The greatest treasure of the Bengali nation is preservation of his heritage, a defense of his legacy. He has conquered death. His memory is our passage to the days that are to be.

www.bangabandhu.org/ 

আমার অভিজ্ঞতায় মুক্তিযুদ্ধ এবং ৭ই মার্চের 

 আমার অভিজ্ঞতায় মুক্তিযুদ্ধ এবং ৭ই মার্চের ভাষন

মে 14, 2008 by nasarchoudhury

আমার এক ঘনিষ্ট বন্ধু সবসময় ঠাট্টাচ্ছলে বলে থাকে “দোস্ত তোর জন্য আমরা স্বাধীনতা পেয়েছি। তুই যদি সেদিন জাতির পিতা বঙ্গবন্ধু শেখ মজিবুর রহমানের ৭ই মার্চের ভাষন রেকর্ড করে প্রচার না করতিস, তবে দেশের লোক বঙ্গবন্ধুর স্বাধীনতার ডাক শুনতেই পেতো না, যুদ্ধের জন্য প্রস্তুতও হতো না।” তবে আমি বলি ঠিক তা না,বাংলাদেশের স্বাধীনতা নয় মাসের মুক্তিযোদ্ধা মুক্তি সংগ্রামী মানুষের ত্যাগের জন্যই এসেছে।

স্বাধীনতা যুদ্ধের পূর্ব থেকেই পট পরিবর্তনের প্রস্তুতি চলছিলো। এবং এক্ষেত্রে জনমত তৈরীতে তত্‌কালীন রেডিও শুরু থেকেই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ ভূমিকা পালন করে আসছিলো।

আমি তখন রেডিও পাকিস্তানের ঢাকার অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠকের পদে কার্জরত। আমার দায়িত্ব ছিল রেডিওর বাইরের সকল অনুষ্ঠান রেকর্ড করে প্রচারের ব্যবস্থা করা। আমার সঙ্গে অনুষ্ঠান প্রযোজক হিসাবে কাজ করতো মীর রায়হান।

ইলেকশানে জেতার পর শেখ মজিবুর রহমানের পাকিস্তানের প্রধানমন্ত্রী হওয়ার কথা, কিন্তু সবাই বুঝতে পারছিল পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানীরা কিছুতেই সেটা হতে দেবে না। সেটা আঁচ করতে পেরেছিলেন বঙ্গবন্ধু এবং ছাত্র নেতারা। তখন থেকেই অসহযোগ আন্দোলনের ভূমিকা তৈরী হতে শুরু করলো।

রেডিও পিছিয়ে থাকলো না। আমরা বলিষ্ঠ পদক্ষেপ হিসাবে ‘রেডিও পাকিস্তান ঢাকা’-র নাম পরিবর্তণ করে ‘ঢাকা বেতার কেন্দ্র’ রাখলাম,এবং এই নামে প্রচার শুরু করে দিলাম। সে সময় এতবড় পদক্ষেপ নেয়া যে কত সাহসের কাজ ছিলো, এখন তা বুঝতে পারি। রেডিওর অনুষ্ঠান, বার্তা, এবং প্রকৌশল বিভাগের কর্মকর্তা ও কর্মচারী, এক কথায় সমগ্র রেডিওর কর্মকর্তা কর্মচারীর সহযোগীতা ছাড়া যা কিছুতেই করা সম্ভব ছিল না।

এই সাহসিকতা করার পিছনে বিশেষভাবে যাঁদের নাম করতে হয়,তারা হলেনঃ

জনাব আশরাফুজ্জামান খান - পরিচালক

জনাব আহমাদুজ্জামান - সহকারী পরিচালক

জনাব মবজুলুল হোসেন - সহকারী পরিচালক

জনাব মফিজুল হক - সহকারী পরিচালক

জনাব সাইফুল বারি - বার্তা পরিচালক

জনাব জালালউদ্দীন রুমী - অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠক

জনাব আশফাকুর রহমান - অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠক

জনাব তাহের সুলতান - অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠক

জনাব শামসুল আলম - অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠক

জনাব কাজী রফিক - অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠক

জনাব বাহরামউদ্দীন সিদ্দিকী - অনুষ্ঠান সংগঠক

জনাব মীর রায়হান - অনুষ্ঠান প্রযোজক

জনাব ফয়েজ আহমদ চৌধূরী - সহকারী বার্তা পরিচালকএবার আসি ১৯৭১ সালের ঐতিহাসিক ৭ই মার্চের ভাষন প্রসঙ্গে। প্রচার করা হলো বঙ্গবন্ধুর ৭ই মার্চের ভাষন সরাসরি ঢাকা বেতার কেন্দ্র প্রচার করবে তত্‌কালীন রেস কোর্স ময়দান থেকে। সব ব্যাবস্থা নেয়া হলো।পরিচালক আশরাফুজ্জামান খান সব রেডিওর কর্মচারীদের দায়িত্ব বুঝিয়ে দিলেন। রেসকোর্স মাঠে মঞ্চের উপরে পরিচালক আশরাফুজ্জামান, সহকারী পরিচালক আহমাদুজ্জামান এবং আমি নাসার আহমেদ চৌধুরী থাকবো। প্রকৌশল বিভাগ থেকে জনাব সামাদ সাহেবের নাম মনে পড়ে।মঞ্চের নিচে জনাব শামসুল আলম, কাজী রফিক, রেডিওর ডিউটি রুমে বাহরামউদ্দিন সিদ্দিকী, সাভার প্রচার কেন্দ্রে প্রকৌশল বিভাগের কর্মচারীর সঙ্গে মীর রায়হান।

সকাল থেকেই ঘন ঘন প্রচার করা হচ্ছিল বঙ্গবন্ধুর ভাষন সরাসরি রেসকোর্স মাঠ থেকে প্রচার করা হবে। রেসকোর্স মাঠে লোকে লোকারণ্য, তিল ধারণের জায়গাও ছিল না। আমরা বেশ আগেই মঞ্চে উঠে মাইক্রোফোন সেট করে ফেললাম। আমি আমার সঙ্গে নিলাম পোর্টেবল ই.এম.আই. টেপ রেকর্ডার।নির্ধারিত সময়ের অনেক পরে বঙ্গবন্ধু মাঠে এলেন। সেই সময় আকাশে প্লেন দেখা গেল। সেই প্লেনে লেঃ জেনারেল টিক্কা খানের আসার কথা, সারা মাঠে উত্তেজনা বিরাজ করছিলো। বঙ্গবন্ধু মঞ্চে উঠে ভাষন শুরু করতে যাবেন। এমন সময় রেডিওর ডিউটি রুম থেকে ইন্টারকমের মাধ্যমে বাহরাম সিদ্দিকী মঞ্চে আমাদেরকে জানালো যে এই মাত্র মেজর সিদ্দিক সালেক জানিয়েছেন, কোনমতেই শেখ মুজিবুরের ভাষন রেকর্ড করা যাবে না, প্রচার করলে রেডিও উড়িয়ে দেয়া হবে। সঙ্গে সঙ্গে সরাসরি প্রচার বন্ধ করে দেয়া হলো। বঙ্গবন্ধু তার ঐতিহাসিক বর্ক্তিতা শুরু করে দিয়েছেন, আমি আমার সাথে ছোট্ট টেপ রেকর্ডারে রেকর্ডিং শুরু করে দিলাম। সহকারী পরিচালক আহমাদুজ্জামান একটি ছোট্ট চিরকুটে “আর্মি ভাষন প্রচার করতে দিচ্ছে না” লিখে মঞ্চে উপবিষ্ট পরিচালক আশরাফুজ্জামানের হাতে দিলেন। আশরাফুজ্জামান সাহেব সেটা টাঙ্গাইলের এম.পি.-র (আমার এখন নাম মনে পড়ছে না) হাতে দিলেন। তখন বর্ক্তৃতা অনেকখানি প্রচার হয়ে গেছে। তিনি বঙ্গবন্ধুর হাতে চিরকুটটি পৌছে দিলেন।আপনারা যারা বর্ক্তৃতা শুনেছেন, তাদের মনে থাকার কথা বর্ক্তৃতার এক পর্যায়ে বঙ্গবন্ধু বলেছিলেন “…এই মাত্র খবর পেলাম তারা আমার বর্ক্তৃতা প্রচার করতে দিচ্ছে না। রেডিও টেলিভিশনের কর্মচারীরা আপনারা কাজে যাবেন না যতক্ষণ না আমার ভাষন প্রচার করতে দেয়। অফিস আদালত সব বন্ধ করে দেয়া হলো। …এবারের সংগ্রাম স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম।”সারা মাঠে উত্তেজনা ছড়িয়ে পড়লো। আমি দু’টো টেপে সমগ্র ভাষন রেকর্ড করে নিলাম। ভাষন শেষে টেপ দু’টো সাবধানে আমার সার্টের ভিতরে লুকিয়ে ফেললাম এবং দ্রুত মঞ্চ থেকে টেপ রেকর্ডার, স্ট্যান্ড নিয়ে নিচে নেমে পড়লাম। তখন লোক যে যেদিকে পারছে ছুটে যাচ্ছে।নিচে আলম, কাজী রফিকের সঙ্গে দেখা হলো। পরিচালক সাহেবকে আমি গোপনে রেকর্ড করেছি জানালাম। তিনি আমার প্রশংসা করলেন এবং মাঠে যুগ্ম সচিব সাহেবকে জানালেন এবং প্রশ্ন রাখলেন এখন আমরা কি করবো। যুগ্মসচিব জহরুল হক সাহেব জানালেন আপনারা সবাই পালিয়ে যান। কেউ নিজের বাসায় যাবেন না। রেডিও বন্ধ করে দিন, কেউ জিজ্ঞেস করলে আমার কথা বলবেন।হাতিরপুলে কাজী রফিকের বাসায় আমরা সবাই গিয়ে উঠলাম। এবং সেখান থেকে ডিউটি রুমে, সাভার ট্রান্সমিটারে জানানো হলো সব প্রচার বন্ধ করে পালিয়ে যাও। কিছুক্ষণের মধ্যেই সারা দেশের রেডিও প্রচার বন্ধ হয়ে গেল।রেডিও প্রচার বন্ধ হলে দেশের যে কি অবস্থা হয়, বুঝতে পারলাম। আমাদের চেয়ে বেশি বুঝতে পারলো পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানীরা। পূর্ব এবং পশ্চিমের একমাত্র লিংক ছিল রেডিও। তারা অস্থির হয়ে উঠলো পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে কি ঘটছে তা জানার জন্যে। সারা রাত আমরা কাজী রফিকের বাসায় কাটালাম। ইতিমধ্যে আর্মি আমাদের পরিচালক সাহেবকে খুঁজে পেল, এবং তার কাছে পুরোপুরি সারেন্ডার করলো। এই ছিল পাকিস্তান আর্মির প্রথম আত্মসমর্পন। তারা আশরাফুজ্জামানকে জানালো, “আপনারা যা চান, যেভাবে চান পুরো ভাষন প্রচার করুন,কিন্তু খোদার ওয়াস্তে রেডিও প্রচার চালু করুন। পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান সরকার সবাই অস্থির হয়ে গেছে।”

আশরাফুজ্জামান সাহেব এসে আমাদের জানালেন, “আমাদের জয় হয়েছে। আর্মি পুরোপুরি আমাদের কাছে সারেন্ডার করেছে। আমি তাদের বলে দিয়েছি কাল সকালের আগে রেডিও চালু হবে না, এবং বঙ্গবন্ধুর ভাষন পুরোপুরি প্রচার করতে দিতে হবে। তারা রাজি হয়েছে।”আশফাকুর রহমান খান পূর্ব ঘোষনা লিখে ফেললেন। প্রকৌশলী সবাইকে জানিয়ে দেয়া হলো সকালে রেডিও খোলা হবে।সকাল থেকে ঘন ঘন ঘোষনার পরে আমার রেকর্ড করা সেই টেপ দু’টো বাজানো হলো। পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের সব অঞ্চলের লোক সেই ভাষন শুনে বুঝতে পারলো স্বাধীনতার ডাক দেয়া হয়েছে। তারা সবাই স্বাধীনতার প্রস্তুতি নিতে শুরু করলো।এর পর বঙ্গবন্ধুর ইঞ্জিনিয়ারিং হলের ভাষন, ২৩শে মার্চ বঙ্গবন্ধুর ৩২ নং বাসায় দেয়া ভাষন, সব রেকর্ড করে প্রচার করা হলো।তার পর এলো সেই বিভীষিকাময় ২৫শে মার্চের রাত।এর পূর্বে শেরাটন হোটেলে প্রেসিডেন্ট ইয়াহিয়া খান, ভূট্টো এবং শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের মধ্যে দর কষাকষি শুরু হয়েছে। আসলে তারা সময় নিচ্ছিল, সিভিলিয়ান ড্রেসে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান থেকে প্লেনে আর্মি আনার। এমনও কথা শুনা গেল ভুট্টো চাইছেন শেখ মুজিব হবেন পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের এবং ভুট্টো হবেন পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের প্রধানমন্ত্রী। এমন অবাস্তব প্রস্তাবে শেখ মুজিব রাজী হলেন না। কোন মিমাংশা ছাড়াই ইয়াহিয়া ভুট্টো রাত ৮টা-৯টার দিকে ফিরে গেলেন পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানে।

রাত ১২টার পর দেখতে পেলাম রাস্তা দিয়ে একের পর এক আর্মির ট্যাঙ্ক রেডিও অফিস এবং অন্যান্য জায়গায় এগিয়ে যাচ্ছে। কেউ কিছু জানার আগেই গোলাগুলি শুরু হয়ে গেল। তারা যাকে যেখানে পেল গুলি করে মেরে ফেললো। সকালে জানা গেল ইত্তেফাক অফিস,রাজারবাগ পুলিশ লাইন, বি ডি আর পিলখানা সব জায়গায় গোলাগুলি চলছে।

সকাল ৯টার দিকে আর্মি কমান্ড থেকে রেডিওর কর্মচারীদের রেডিওতে হাজির হওয়ার নির্দেশ দেয়া হলো। বঙ্গবন্ধুর কোন খবর পাওয়া গেল না, বেঁচে আছেন না নেই কেউ কিছু জানে না।

রেডিওতে আমরা কাজ শুরু করলাম। ৯ মাসের মুক্তিযুদ্ধ শুরু হয়ে গেল।ঢাকা রেডিও থেকে তাহের সুলতান, আশফাকুর রহমান, আশরাফুল আলম, আরও অনেকে স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্রে যোগ দেয়ার জন্য সীমান্তের ওপারে চলে গেল।আমরা রেডিওতে থেকে সহযোগীতা দেয়ার জন্য প্রস্তুত হলাম। আমার সহকর্মী জালালউদ্দিন রুমি মুক্তিযুদ্ধে সরাসরি অংশগ্রহণের জন্য রেডিও ছেড়ে দিল।স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতারকেন্দ্রে পাঠানোর জন্য আমি এবং ফয়েজ চৌধুরী গণসঙ্গীত এবং দেশাত্ববোধক গানের টেপ নিয়ে বাসে করে আর্মির চোখকে ফাঁকি দিয়ে নারায়নগঞ্জে জালালউদ্দিনের কাছে দিয়ে আসতাম। রাস্তায় কতবার আর্মি আমাদের সার্চ করতো তার হিসাব ছিল না। যেহেতু আমি বহির্প্রচার বিভাগে কর্মরত ছিলাম, তাদেরকে বলতাম “নারায়নগঞ্জ আদমজী জুট মিলে কাজটাজ ঠিকমতো চলছে, দেশে স্বাভাবিক অবস্থা বিরাজ করছে এগুলো রেকর্ড করতে যাচ্ছি।” তারা বুঝতে পারতো না। ছেড়ে দিত।

রেডিওর পরিচালক আশরাফুজ্জামানকে সরিয়ে দিয়ে তার জায়গায় সৈয়দ জিল্লুর রহমান সাহেবকে আনা হলো। জিল্লুর রহমান সাহেব আমাকে খুব স্নেহ করতেন। একদিন তার কক্ষে আমার ডাক পড়লো। সেখানে গিয়ে দেখি একজন আর্মি অফিসার বসে আছেন।

জিল্লুর রহমান সাহেব পরিচয় করিয়ে দিলেন, “ইনি কর্ণেল কাশেম,তোমার বিরুদ্ধে ইনার কিছু অভিযোগ আছে। তুমি মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের সঙ্গে মিশে দেশ দ্রোহীতার কাজ করছো।” আমি সুবোধ বালকের মতো অস্বীকার করলাম।কর্ণেল কাশেম তখন সরাসরি আমাকে প্রশ্ন শুরু করলেন। “তুমি আওয়ামী লিগ কর। ৭ই মার্চের ভাষন তুমি রেকর্ড করেছিলে, এবং তুমি মঞ্চে শেখ মুজিবকে তার ভাষন প্রচার করতে দিচ্ছে না লিখে জানিয়েছিলে।” আমি বললাম, “না, আমি লিখিওনি কাউকে জানাইও নি।”তখন জিল্লুর রহমান আমাকে বাঁচানোর জন্যে বললেন, “He is a petty officer, whatever he does he does with the permission of his director.”

তখন কর্ণেল কাশেম তার ব্রিফকেস খোলার ভান করে আমাকে বললেন, “আমার কাছে তোমার ছবি আছে, মঞ্চে তুমি শেখ মুজিবকে চিরকুট দিচ্ছো।” যেহেতু আমি দেই নাই, তাই সাহসের সঙ্গে বললাম, “না আমি দেই নাই।” তখন কর্ণেল আর ব্রিফকেস খুললেন না। জিল্লুর রহমান সাহেব বললেন, “সে Govt অফিসার, সে কোন পার্টি করে না,আমি তাকে খুব ভালভাবে জানি।”জিল্লুর রহমান সাহেবের কথায় কর্ণেল কিছুটা আস্বস্ত হলো। বললো “ঠিক আছে, তুমি যা যা করেছো এবং যা যা জানো, একটা কাগজে লিখে আমার কাছে নিয়ে এসো।” আমি আসল কথা গোপন করে মিথ্যে যা যা পারলাম লিখে দিলাম। কর্ণেল চলে গেলেন।জিল্লুর রহমান সাহেব আমার মামার বিশেষ বন্ধু ছিলেন। মামা জনাব আলি হাসান সিএসপি, তখন পাকিস্তানের communication secretaryছিলেন। দু’জনে মিলে সেইদিনই আমাকে চট্টগ্রাম রেডিওতে বদলী করে দিলেন, এবং আমাকে বললেন, “তোমার নাম আর্মির লিস্টে আছে। যে কোন মুহুর্তে তোমাকে বাসা থেকে তুলে নিয়ে যাবে এবং নঁখের ভিতরে সুঁই ফুটিয়ে কথা বের করে নেবে। তাই আজই তুমি চিটাগাং চলে যাও, আমরা এদিক সামলে নেব।”

চট্টগ্রাম রেডিওতে গিয়ে জয়েন করলাম, কিন্তু সেখানে আমাকে কোন দায়িত্ব দেয়া হলো না। O.S.D করে রাখা হলো। হয়তো ঢাকা রেডিও থেকে আগাম জানিয়ে দেয়া হয়েছিল, তাই সবাই আমাকে একটু এড়িয়ে চলছে বুঝতে পারলাম।কোন উপায় না দেখে ঢাকার বার্তা বিভাগের ফয়েজ চৌধুরীকে ফোন করলাম, “Mother serious come sharp লিখে একটা টেলিগ্রাম পাঠিয়ে দে। আমার এখানে ভাল লাগছে না, আমি ঢাকায় চলে আসি।”দু’দিনের মধ্যেই টেলিগ্রাম পেয়ে গেলাম। সেটা ছিল ৭১ সালের অগাস্ট মাস। বহু কষ্টে টেলিগ্রাম দেখিয়ে সাতদিনের ছুটি নিয়ে ঢাকায় চলে এলাম। এসে দেখি রেডিওর গেটে জানিয়ে রাখা হয়েছে আমাকে যেন ঢুকতে দেয়া না হয়।আমি রেডিওর সামনে সাহবাগ হোটেল, বর্তমান PG হাসপাতালের সামনে দাঁড়িয়ে থাকতাম। আলম, রফিক, ফয়েজ সবাই এসে আমার সঙ্গে দেখা করতো। তারা টেপ দিলে আমি যথারীতি নারায়নগঞ্জে জালালের কাছে নিয়ে যেতাম।সেই যে চট্টগ্রাম থেকে এসেছিলাম, আর ফিরে যাইনি। আমার স্কুল জীবনের বন্ধু সিরাজউদ্দীন ভুইঞা মুক্তিযুদ্ধের সক্রিয় কর্মী ছিল। সে কখন কোথায় বোমা ফাটাতো আমার সঙ্গে আলাপ করতো। যেমন “আজ শেরাটন হোটেলে, কাল আজিমপুর গার্লস স্কুলে বোমা ফাটাবো।”এইভাবে মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা অস্থির করে তুলেছিল সমগ্র দেশের ব্যবস্থাপনা।

একটা মজার ঘটনা হঠাৎ মনে পড়ছে। তখনও আমি রেডিওর ঢাকা অফিসে দায়িত্বরত। মুক্তিযোদ্ধারা বোমা মেরে ঢাকা বিমান বন্দরের রানওয়ে নষ্ট করে দিয়েছে, সব বিমান চলাচল প্রায় বন্ধ হয়ে গিয়েছিল। হঠাৎ একটি বিমান রিলিফ সামগ্রী নিয়ে কোনমতে একটা রানওয়েতে নেমেছে। সঙ্গে সঙ্গে সরকারের তরফ থেকে জানানো হলো সমস্ত প্রচার মিডিয়া এটা সগৌরবে প্রচার করবে, যে এয়ারপোর্টে কিছুই হয়নি। সবই ঠিকমতো চলছে।

আর্মির ক্যাপটেন সব খবরের কাগজের সাংবাদিকদের এবং রেডিও থেকে আমাকে নিয়ে ঢাকা বিমানবন্দরে হাজির হলেন। আমাদেরকে দূর থেকে এয়ারপ্লেন দেখিয়ে বললেন “আপনারা যান এবং প্রতিবেদন তৈরী করুন। সারা পৃথিবীকে জানিয়ে দিন দেশের অবস্থা ভাল, এয়ারপোর্টের অবস্থা ঠিকই আছে। স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতারকেন্দ্রের propaganda সব মিথ্যা।”জনাব এ.বি.এম. মুসা সবার আগে, পিছে পিছে আমরা প্লেনের দিকে যাচ্ছি। হঠাৎ পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী এক আর্মির সিকিউরিটি গার্ড আমাদের পথ রোধ করে দাঁড়ালো। জিজ্ঞেস করলো, “কিধার যাতা হ্যায়?”মুসা সাহেব বললেন, “ও প্লেন কে পাস যাতা হ্যায়। উসকা পাইলট কে সাথ বাতচিত কারেগা, নিউজ পেপার মে ছাপেঙ্গে।”“নিউজ পেপার, ও কিয়া হোতা হ্যায়?”, জিজ্ঞেস করলো আমাদের।ভাবলাম ভাল লোকের পাল্লায় পড়া গেছে। মুসা সাহেব তাকে বুঝাবার জন্য বললেন, “ও যো জংগ খাবর কা কাগজ (যা পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান থেকে প্রকাশিত হতো), উস তারহা ইঁহাকা কাগজ মে ছাপেগা।”সে অন্য কোন কথাই বুঝলো না, শুধু জংগ কথাটা ধরে বললো, “ইহা কোই জংগ-ওয়ং নেহি চালেগা, ভাগো।”আমি ভাবলাম আমাকে হয়তো যেতে দেবে। আমি রেডিও পাকিস্তানের কর্মচারী, হাতে টেপ রেকর্ডার। তার কাছে গিয়ে বললাম, “হাম রেডিও পাকিস্তান সে আয়া হ্যায়।”আমার দিকে তাকিয়ে বললো “ও কোন সা পাকিস্তান হ্যায়? ইহা এক পাকিস্তান হ্যায়, দুসরা কোই পাকিস্তান নেহি - যাও ভাগো।”আমরা সবাই ফিরে এলাম, কিছুতেই যেতে দিল না। মুসা সাহেব বললেন আমি এর প্রতিবাদ করবো। পরের দিন খবরের কাগজে ঠিকই বিমান অবতরণের কথা ছাপা হলো, কিন্তু প্রতিবেদন না করতে দেয়ার প্রতিবাদ সহ। বাঙ্গালী মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের সহযোগীতায় ১৯৭১ এর ৩রা ডিসেম্বর ভারত পাকিস্তানের বিরুদ্ধে যুদ্ধ ঘোষনা করলো। আমরা আমাদের ধানমন্ডির বাসার ছাঁদে উঠে আকাশে ভারতীয় মিগ আর পাকিস্তানের সেবার জেটের মধ্যে সামনা সামনি যুদ্ধ দেখতাম। মিগের গতির সঙ্গে কিছুতেই সেবার জেট পেরে উঠতো না। সেবার জেটগুলো একের পর এক গুলি খেয়ে ধোঁয়ার কুন্ডলী পাকিয়ে নিচে পড়ে যেত। অনেক বাড়ির ছাঁদের উপর থেকেই সেবার জেটের প্রতি লক্ষ্য করে গুলি ছোঁড়া হতো।৭ই মার্চ যেই রেসকোর্স ময়দানে বঙ্গবন্ধু স্বাধীনতার ডাক দিয়েছিলেন,সেই একই ময়দানে ১৬ই ডিসেম্বর পাকিস্তানী বাহিনী তাদের পাপের প্রায়শ্চিত্ত করলো সম্মিলিত বাহিনীর হাতে আত্মসমর্পন করে। যে অত্যাচার অবিচার তারা করেছিল, সব কিছুর সমাপ্তি টানা হলো।

জন্ম নিল স্বাধীন সার্বভৌম বাংলাদেশ।

বঙ্গবন্ধুর ৭ই মার্চের ভাষনের সেই অমূল্য টেপ দু’টো যুদ্ধ চলাকালীন নয় মাস স্বাধীন বাংলা বেতার কেন্দ্র হতে নিয়মিত প্রচার করা হয়েছিল মুক্তিযোদ্ধাদের অনুপ্রাণিত করার জন্য।

Bangabandhu and Muktijuddher Chetona

Bangabandhu and Muktijuddher Chetona

Bangabandhu is not a mere individual. He in an institution, a movement, a revolution, an upsurge.  He is the architect of the nation. He is the essence of epic poetry and he is history.

This   history   goes   back   a   thousand years. Which is why contemporary history has recognized him as the greatest Bengali of the past thousand years? The future will call him the superman of eternal time.

And  he  will  live,  in  luminosity  reminiscent  of  a  bright  star,  in historical  legends. He will show the path to the Bengali nation his dreams   are   the   basis   of   the existence   of   the nation.  A remembrance of him is the culture and society that Bengalis have sketched for them.  His possibilities, the promises thrown forth by him, are the fountain-spring of the civilized existence of the Bengalis.

I feel pain as we could not honor the dead, nor the victims, nor the freedom fighters yet with due solemnity. I feel bad when I find the national leaders questioning the ‘Muktijuddher Chetona”. What a travesty of justice, what a shameful act!! How can we make friendship with those that still refuse to accept their guilt and deny the existence of injustice and atrocities of 1971? How can we not ask them to solicit mercy and forgiveness for their crime against mankind? A crime is a crime. It cannot be ignored with the lapse of time. Lord Cromwell was tried from his dead and the Nazis of World War II are still being sought after. The Nazis and the KKK are barred from getting elected in democratic societies. We must not condone a criminal or his crime, nor should we give shelter to criminals. We can only forgive them provided they ask for forgiveness and mercy---there is no alternatives known to me. Those who believe in Islam know that even the Almighty Allah will not forgive those who have committed crimes against His creatures unless they forgive them first. Therefore, unless they solicit mercy and forgiveness and confess their guilt publicly, they must not be forgiven. If a group or a person forgive them for group or personal interest, then they share the same loathe and disdain of our dead. They cannot be our heroes nor can they be the torchbearers for our future generations.  

Muktijuddher Chetona is very simple and pure. It stands for justice and fair play in human relations. It abhors racism, intolerance, dehumanization discrimination and communalism that the occupation force represented. It seeks equity in society and equal opportunities for all. It upholds democratic values; after all the 1971 war was fought to ensure democracy and economic emancipation. Can we therefore forget Muktijuddher Chetona?

 

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The Future Leader

SAJEEB AHMED WAJED (JOY)

(Bangla: সজীব ওয়াজেদ;) (born July 27, 1971), also known as Sajeeb Wazed Joy, is an IT professional who was selected by World Economic Forum as one of the 250 Young Global Leaders of the World. He is the son of Sheikh Hasina Wazed, the current Prime Minister of Bangladesh and the grandson of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first President of Bangladesh

Early life and education

Sajeeb Wazed was born in 1971 during the Bangladesh Liberation War to the eminent Bengali nuclear scientist Dr. M. A. Wazed Miah and Sheikh Hasina Wazed. His birth during the war and subsequent victory of the Bengalis earned him the nickname given by his maternal grandfather, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, “Joy” which in Bengali means victory.

Wazed was schooled in India. His early days were spent at boarding in St. Joseph’s College Nainital, and later at Kodaikanal International School in Palani Hills, Tamil Nadu. He pursued a Bachelor of Science degree in computer science, physics and mathematics from Bangalore University. Wazed then pursued another bachelor of science degree in computer engineering at the University of Texas, Arlington in the United States. Subsequently, Wazed attended the Kennedy School of Government in Harvard University, where he completed a Masters in Public Administration.

Politics

In 2004, Sajeeb Wazed visited Bangladesh amid speculations that he would be taking up the Sheikh family’s political mantle. He and his wife received a rousing reception as they landed in Shahjalal International Airport. Thousands of people lined Dhaka’s roads to have glimpse of Joy and his wife. During the visit he rejected a letter sent by Tarique Rahman, son of the then Prime Minister and his mother’s arch rival, Khaleda Zia. The letter congratulated Sajeeb’s possible entry into politics.

In 2007, Wazed was selected by the World Economic Forum in Davos as one of the “250 Young Global Leaders of the World”. The forum cited his role as Advisor to the President of the Bangladesh Awami League.

During the 2006–2008 Bangladeshi political crisis and Minus Two controversy, both Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia were arrested by the military backed interim government on charges of corruption and “anti-state” activities. Hasina maintained that the charges were baseless and her detention was part of efforts by the military to keep her out of the political arena in order to pave the way for another period of quasi-military rule in Bangladesh. Sajeeb Wazed began campaigning in the United States and Europe for the release of his mother and other detained high-profile politicians. Hasina was eventually released in June 2008. She subsequently traveled to the United States for medical treatment.

In December 2008, Bangladesh held national elections that saw Sheikh Hasina’s Awami League and its coalition partners secure the biggest parliamentary majority since 1973, capturing 262 seats in the 300 seat parliament, 230 of which went to the Awami League. Sheikh Hasina was sworn in as the 14th Prime Minister of Bangladesh on 6 January 2009. Prior to the elections, Wazed wrote an article in the Harvard International Review in which he outlined a “secular plan” to stem the rise of Islamic extremism in Bangladesh.

Wazed gave an interview to the BBC in February, 2009 in the aftermath of the violent Bangladesh Rifles mutiny. Asked about security threats faced by his mother from tension provoked in the military by the mutiny and whether certain quarters were trying to stage a scenario similar to that of his grandfather’s assassination in 1975 during a coup by junior army officers, Wazed commented that there was a “distinct possibility” of such a situation being intended. He also stressed that security was beefed up at the Prime Minister’s residence and went on to praise his mother’s handling of the mutiny. “This is probably the biggest incident Bangladesh has had since 1975 and our government and the prime minister has handled this compassionately, pragmatically but decisively to bring the situation under control” he said.

Primary membership

On 25 February 2009, Wazed officially joined the Awami League as a primary member of the Rangpur district unit of the party. Awami League Joint General Secretary Mahbubul Alam Hanif handed over Wazed’s membership form to district party leaders. Rangpur is the ancestral home district of his father Wazed Miah.

The move by Wazed to formally join the Awami League was welcomed by many political leaders and commentators, including the Bangladesh Nationalist Party. Senior BNP leader Nazrul Islam Khan gave his party’s official reaction, stating “we see the matter positively”.

Digital Bangladesh

Within days of joining the Awami League as a primary member, Wazed, in his capacity as an IT policy analyst, unveiled the concept paper and action plan for the government’s ambitious “Digital Bangladesh” scheme; to develop a strong ICT industry in Bangladesh and initiate e-governance and IT education on a mass scale. Wazed emphasized the use of information technology to achieve Bangladesh’s development goals. He also noted that the Digital Bangladesh “scheme” would contribute to a more transparent system of government through e-governance, as it would greatly reduce massive bureaucratic corruption in Bangladesh. He also spoke of Bangladesh’s potential to become an IT outsourcing hub in the next few years given its various advantages in a growing young educated population with a “neutral” English accent. Wazed stated that by the 2021, the IT industry can overtake textiles and readymade garments as the principal foreign exchange earner for Bangladesh.

Amra MujibShena

we're Ideal followers of Bangabandhu sheikh Mujibur Rahman who has given us a nation country. The architect of Bangladesh Bangabandhu sheikh mujib is our identity as a nation as a independent country. with his mountain tall personality as the best bangali of the century and touring contribution to our nationhood. he will always remain as an eternal source of inspiration for all bangalee's bangla speaking people.

Those who do not address him respectfully and with due honor as Bangabandhu and Father of Nation, it is doubtful that they have proper allegiance to independent Bangladesh and ideals of the liberation war 1971. At the same time I also agree that Awami League should try letting Bangabandhu be the Father of the nation for all Bangladeshis. Thanks...love & regards ... best wishes!! Joy Bangla Joy Bangabandhu 

Moktel Hossain Mukthi

Founding President

Maldives Awami Leaegue

Freedom Fighter

Singer

Music Teacher

 

15 August 1975

On 25 January country switched over to the presidential system of governance and Bangabandhu took over as President of the republic. On 24 February, Bangladesh Krishak Awami League, comprising all the poliotical parties of the country, was launched. On 25 February, Bangabandhu called upon all parties and leaders to join this national party. He felt the need for making Bangladesh a self-reliant nation by reducing dependence on forign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-reliance by reducing dependence on foreign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-relaince. He launched the Second revolution to make independence meaningful and ensure food, clothing, shelter, medicare, education and jobs to the people. The objectives of the revolution were: elimination of corruption, boosting production in mills, factories and fields, population control and established of national unity.

Bangabandhu received an unprecedented response to his call to achieve economic freedom by uniting the entire nation. The economy started picking up rapidly within a short time. Production oncreased. Smugling stoped. The prices of essentiala came down to within parchasing capacity of the common man. Imbued with new hope, the people unitedly marched forward to extend the benefits of independence to every doorstep. But that condition did not last long.

In the pre-dawn hours of August 15 the noblest and the greatest of Bangalees in a thousand years, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the Nation, was assassinated by a handful of ambitious and treacherous military officers. On that day, Bangabandhu's wife, a noble woman, Begum Fajilatunnesa; his eldest son, freedom fighter Sheikh Kamal; second son Lt. Sheikh Jamal; youngest son Sheikh Russel; two daughters-in-law, Sultana Kamal and Rosy Jamal; Bangabandhu's brother Sheikh Nasser; brothe-in-law and Agriculture Minister Abdur Rab Serniabat and his daughter Baby Serniabat; Bangabandhu's nephew, youth leader and journalist Sheikh Fajlul Huq Moni and his pregnant wife Arju Moni; Bangabandhu's security officer Brig. Jamil and a 14-year-old boy Rintoo were killed. In all, the killer slaughters 16 members and relatives of Bangadhu's family.

Martial law was imposed in the country after the killing of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Democracy was done away with and basic rights were snached away. Thus began the politics of killing, coups and conspiracy. The people's rights to food and vote were taken away. There is interntional provision to hold trial of killers to protect human rights in the world. But unfortunately in Bangladesh, a martial law ordinance was decreed(Indemnity Ordinance) exempting the self-confessed killers of Bangabandhufrom any trial. Having captured power illigally through a military coup, Gen. Ziaur Rahman debased the Constitution by incorporating the notorious Indemnity Ordinance in the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. He rewarded the killers with jobs in Bangladesh diplomatic mission abroad. The Indemnity Ordinance was repealed by Parliament only after the Awami League led by Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina returned to power in 1996. August 15, 1975 is the blackest day in our national life. The nation observes this day as National Mourning Day.

 

Begum Fazilatunnesa (Birth: Tungipara, Gopalganj., Aug 8, 1930) – Begum Fazilatunnesa was the wife of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, mother of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Hasina says her mother was actively involved in forwarding the cause of Bangladesh's independence and bent on making her husband's dream come true.

Sheikh Kamal (Birth: Gopalganj, Aug 5, 1949) – Sheikh Kamal was the eldest son of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He was a freedom fighter. He was the founder of Abahani Krira Chakra. He also played significant roles in the 1966 movement for self-determination, and the 1969 mass uprising.

Sultana Kamal Khuku (Birth: Dhaka, 1951) - Sultana Kamal Khuku was the wife of Sheikh Kama. She had a BSS (Hons) from Dhaka University. She was an established athlete. She won several national prizes in long jumps with records.

Sheikh Jamal (Birth: Gopalganj, Apr 28, 1954) – Sheikh Jamal was the second son of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. While being under house arrest with his mother in July, 1971, he fled to free zone and participated in liberation war.

Parveen Jamal Rosy (Birth: Sylhet, 1956) – Parveen Jamal Rosy was the wife of Sheikh Jamal and daughter of Bangabandhu's younger sister Khadeza Hossain. She was studying at Badrunnesa Ahmed College. Her father was Syed Hossain serving as the establishment ministry secretary under Bangabandhu government.

Sheikh Russel (Birth: Oct 18, 1964) - Sheikh Russel was the youngest son of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He was a 10 year-old student at Dhaka University Laboratory High School. 

Sheikh Abu Naser (Birth: Tungipara, Gopalganj, Sept 1928) - Sheikh Abu Naser was the younger brother of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. He was a renowned businessman in Khulna.

Abdur Rab Serniabat,( Birth: Barisal, Chaitra, 1327) – Abdur Rab Serniabat was the husband of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's third sister Amena Begum. Bangabandhu appointed him as agriculture minister in 1973. He had a significant role in reforms in agriculture.

Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni (Birth: Tungipara, Gopalganj, Dec 4, 1939) – Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni was the eldest son of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's elder sister. He was the founding chairman of Awami Juba League.

Begum Arzu Moni (Birth: Barisal, Mar 15, 1947, Barisal) – Begum Arzu Moni was the wife of Sheikh Fazlul Haque Moni. She sat MSS exams in political science in Dhaka University in 1975.

Baby Serniabat (Birth: Barisal, May 20, 1960) - Baby Serniabat was the youngest daughter of Abdur Rab Serniabat. She was a class-nine student of Laboratory High School in Dhaka University.

Shahid Serniabat (Birth: Barisal, Mar 26, 1940) - Shahid Serniabat was a nephew of Abdur Rab Serniabat. He was the correspondent to Dainik Bangla in Barisal.

Abdul Nayeem Khan Rintu (Birth: Barisal, Dec 1, 1957) - Abdul Nayeem Khan Rintu was a cousin of Amir Hossain Amu. He sat SSC exam under Barisal Zilla School in 1975.

Arif Serniabat (Birth: Mar 27, 1964) - Arif Serniabat was the youngest son of Abdur Rab Serniabat. He was a class-four student of Laboratory High School in Dhaka University.

Sukanto Abdullah Babu (Birth: Gauranadi, Barisal, June 22, 1971) – Sukanto Abdullah Babu was a grand son of Abdur Rab Serniabat.

Col. Jamaluddin Ahmed (Birth: Gopalganj, Feb 1, 1933) - Col. Jamaluddin Ahmed was the chief security officer of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

Bangabondhu, Bangladesh and our independence have very closed relation. Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had one of the great nationalizes leader in the world. Bangabondhu (http://www.humanrightstoday.info/?p=714) was the pioneer and architect of independent Bangladesh and its sovereignty. His political prudence, indomitable courage, eloquence and powerful leadership motivated the countrymen to join in the war of liberation.

 

Bangabondhu proclaimed independence on March 26 in 1971 and the people dived into nine months long bloody battle and achieved the long desired sweetest freedom, He also gave restless effort to represent an esteemed Bangalee nation on the world stage. His golden-etched name will remain in the history of Bangalees and Bangladesh forever. But our nation has been waiting from 34 years for justice his brutal murders.

August 15 in 1975 is a black-chapter in the history of Bangalee nation. Bangabondhu and his family members were ruthlessly murdered by anti liberation force and with the help of army member in this day. And the nation incurred an irretrievable loss. The nation is deeply shocked and full with grief for this shameful incident. Now, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Bangabondhu is the main target by killer's group especially Islamic militant group.

 

The country today observes National Mourning Day on the 34th death anniversary of Father of the Nation Bangabondhu, with a vow to implement the longstanding High Court verdict in the case in connection with his murder. The day is a public holiday. The government chalked out nationwide programmes to observe the day at the state level. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina (she is a daughter of Bangabondhu), will visit her father's grave at Tungipara under Gopalgonj district today. Along with ruling Awami League (AL), different political parties, and student and socio-cultural organizations also planned programmes to mourn the killings of Bangabondhu and most of his family members on this day in 1975. Three separate attacks on this day 34 years ago left 24 people killed. Bangabandhu's two daughters -- Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana -- could escape the bloodbath as they were abroad at the time. The victims also including wife of Bangabondhu Begum Fazilatunnesa Mujib, sons Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and nine-year-old Sheikh Russell, daughters-in-law Sultana Kamal and Parveen Jamal, brother Sheikh Naser, nephew Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni and his wife Begum Arju Moni, brother-in-law Abdur Rab Serniabat, 13-year-old Baby Serniabat, Serniabat's son Arif and four-year-old grandson Babu, three guests, Bangabondhu's four domestic helps, and his security chief Col Jamil Uddin Ahmed.

 

Bangabondhu united the Bangalees to throw off the shackles of Pakistani oppression and steered them towards independence. His stirring speech on March 7, 1971, before a crowd of lakhs ready to stake everything for freedom, left an indelible imprint on the nation's memory. For 21 long years, his killers had been immune from prosecution due to the Indemnity Ordinance, which was finally repealed in 1996, paving the way for trials of the killers. A murder case was filed on October 2, 1996. In November 1998, a trial court awarded death penalty to 15 former army officers for killing Bangabondhu and his family members. The High Court (HC) upheld the death sentences of 12. Five of the condemned -- dismissed army personnel Lt Col Syed Farooq-ur Rahman, Lt Col Sultan Shahriar Rashid Khan, Lt Col Muhiuddin Ahmed, Maj AKM Mahiuddin Ahmed, and Maj Bazlul Huda -- are behind bars while six are hiding abroad. Another condemned Aziz Pasha died. The five condemned convicts filed separate appeals with the Appellate Division of Supreme Court in the last week of October 2007 against their death sentences pronounced by the HC.Law Minister Shafique Ahmed recently told journalists that hearings of the appeals will start soon as there is no shortage of judges in the Supreme Court now. The condemned six still at large are Shariful Haque Dalim, AKM Mahiuddin, Rashed Chowdhury, Nur Chowdhury, Abdul Mazed, and Moslemuddin.

In the daily Star published a special report on 15 August of 1975. The report says. Islamic radicalism, menacing the nation for years now, was something India and the United States learnt to dread soon after the assassination of Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Documents lately declassified by the US Office of the Historian show the apprehension had its roots in the perception that Bangabondhu's killers--all military officers--were “pro-US, anti-Soviet Union, Islamic, and less pro-Indian than the past leadership”.

The August 15 bloodbath in 1975 left Mujib and most of his family butchered and his party in total disarray. It led to the assumption that Pakistan would regain its sway on the nation it sought to subdue only a few years back. In the context of the cold war dynamics, India and the US were also concerned that China, which recognized Bangladesh only after August 1975, might help radical communist elements thrive in the delta sliding into militocracy. All these worries were reflected in a conversation between the then US secretary of state Henry Kissinger and Indian external minister YB Chavan.

The US Office of the Historian, which is responsible for preparation and publication of the official historical documentary record of American foreign policy, has transcript of the conversation that took place at the US Department of State on October 6, 1975. There, the discussion related to the developments in Bangladesh goes like this:

YB Chavan: The new president [Khandaker Mushtaque Ahmed] has sent us assurances that he was standing by the same policy but we are concerned, in particular, whether the new government will take an extreme Islamic posture. This would create problems for the minority in Bangladesh. If the Hindus again feel insecure, there might be a new wave of refugees. Kissinger: Is there a large minority group in Bangladesh? Chavan: About 15%. It is a major factor. So far the new government (after Mujib killing) has given assurances it would follow the same policy as Mujib, but we are naturally worried about the influence of Pakistan on Bangladesh. Kissinger: What is your impression? Chavan: They have just announced diplomatic relations. This is a good thing. Even under Mujib we recommended this. We never wanted an exclusive relationship with Bangladesh. Our worry is only this: That they might try to give a different connotation to the situation by giving an Islamic twist to things. Also the Chinese recognized [Bangladesh] only after the coup. Frankly, we are worried. There are radical communist elements in Bangladesh which the Chinese might try to help. Here we hope the US and India will have a common approach.

 

After a while, Kissinger asked his Indian counterpart, “What is the tendency of the [Bangladesh] military? Is it anti-Indian?" Chavan replied, "Frankly, there is some anti-Indian tendency, I am sorry to say." At this point, Kewal Singh, the then secretary of Indian external affairs ministry, chipped in, "Some people hostile to Mujib were brought back. We don't want to give the impression we are concerned but pro-Islamic and pro-radical groups have some strength."

 

Chavan and Kissinger met the following day as well and talked about Bangladesh. Almost immediately they got down to serious talking about political ramifications of the August 15 coup d'état. Yet again, the Indian minister said, "We are worried about Bangladesh. Radical movements are already there. If Pakistan and China converse their efforts, this could pose a problem. This would be a new factor in South Asia which needs assessment." The secretary of state said, "Previously, the Chinese were opposed to Bangladesh. They were not among Mujib's admirers." As he asked if India had any advance indication of the coup, his opposite number replied, "None."

 

Kissinger then observed, "People are always complaining that we don't know about things in advance…They should realize that any coup that succeeds must have fooled someone. Mujib just couldn't have imagined that anyone would organize a coup against him. As I understand it, your relations with Bangladesh are now good. What you are concerned about is a future possibility.”

 

TN Kaul, the then Indian ambassador to the US, added, "The danger is Pan Islamism." At one point, Kissinger said, "The real worry would be if countries with resources like Saudi Arabia get radical leaders. Then there would be trouble." Kaul said, "One reason why we banned the Jamaat Islami and RSS is that these parties were getting money from the outside." The Kissinger-Chavan meeting gives an impression that none of the two countries had prior knowledge of the military takeover.

 

But the US state department's documents suggest quite the contrary. They show that like India, the US had gathered that something sinister was brewing, and it had even informed Bangabondhu about it. Minutes of a staff meeting headed by Kissinger after August 15, show that the US was well aware of the plot. There, Kissinger was heard enquiring Alfred Atherton Jr., assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern and South Asian affairs in 1974-1978, about the assassination. Atherton said the US had lots of indications in March that some quarters were scheming to kill Mujib. Kissinger asked, "Didn't we tell him [Mujib] about it?" The assistant secretary of state said, "We told him at the time." As his boss pressed to know if Bangabondhu was told who it was going to be, Atherton answered, "I will have to check whether we gave him the names." At that point, Hyland of Bureau of Intelligence and Research said, "We were a little imprecise on that."

Referring to the US alerting Bangabondhu to the danger of an attack on him, Atherton said, "He [Mujib] brushed it off, scoffed at it, and said nobody would do a thing like that to him." Kissinger remarked, "He was one of the world's prize fools." Talking about the coup leaders, Atherton said, "They are military officers, middle and senior officers, who are generally considered less pro-Indian than the past leadership; pro-US, anti-Soviet." The secretary of state responded, "Absolutely inevitable." And Atherton went on, "Islamic. They have changed the name to the Islamic Republic” Kissinger said, "That they would be pro-US was not inevitable. In fact, I would have thought at some turn of the wheel they were going to become pro-Chinese, and anti-Indian I firmly expected. I always knew India would rue the day that they made Bangladesh independent. I predicted that since '71."

Major Dalim, one of the on-the-run convicted killers of Bangabondhu, in a radio announcement soon after the killings declared the country would now be named "Islamic Republic of Bangladesh". The declaration which eventually did not materialise was a complete contrast to the secular ideals that stirred Bangalees to fight for independence from "Islamic Republic of Pakistan" in 1971.

Though the republic's name was spared a change, its constitution soon lost secular character. The original charter saw secularism dropped as one of its four fundamental principles. It also had 'Bismillahir Rahmanir Rahim' in the preamble.

Even more alarming was the scrapping of the ban on religion-based political parties. During the rule of Ziaur Rahman, five parties including Jamaat-e-Islami, which collaborated with the Pakistani occupation forces and committed genocide and numerous atrocities during the Liberation War, were allowed to be in politics again. The government of independent Bangladesh in its first decision banned these parties that always oppose the nation's independence and thrive on communal disturbances. In the early 80s, the country's second military ruler HM Ershad introduced Islam as state religion, dealing a death blow to secularism.

 

The rise of Islamist militancy, once a fear, is a reality now, 34 years after the August 15 carnage. During the BNP-Jamaat-led rule in 2001-2006, Islamist outfits spread tentacles across the country thanks to patronage from some influential leaders of the ruling alliance. Though the BNP government woke up to the dangers of militancy towards the end of its tenure, it was too little too late. Now the task lies with Awami League-led grand alliance that came to power on promises that include the one to root out militancy. And at the centre stage in the combat against militancy is Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who herself had been the target of several attacks.

 

Now the peoples of Bangladesh have don't want to bother any late to execute the killers of Bangabondhu. In the same time we want to see immediately the constitution of 1972 which was made after our independence. We want to see to our loving country Bangladesh as an actual democratic country, there will have rule of law, good governance, enough food for our poor peoples, nutrition for all children's, there have no discrimination. Source: the daily Star & BD

You can agree or disagree with his political philosophy, but even his enemies have no doubt about the patriotism of this man: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding father of Bangladesh. He spent most of his life fighting against the injustice bestowed upon Bangalees, first by the British, and then by the Pakistani Panjabi military/civil junta. After the mass uprising of 1969, he was given the title "Bangabandhu", means "Friend of Bengal". He is largely known as Bangabandhu among the millions of Bangalees.

History of Bangladesh is largely interconnected with the life of Bangabandhu. He was a young political activist during the British rule. He was active in every political event of then East Bengal/East Pakistan: the Language Movement of 1952, Jukta Front election of 1954, Student Movement of 1962, 6-Point Demand of 1966, Mass Uprising of 1969, and finally Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971 against the Pakistanis. He was imprisoned more than a decade during the 24-years of Pakistani rule.

What the Pakistanis could not do, some corrupt military officers were able to do so in our own soil. They killed Bangabandhu along with most of his extended family in August 15, 1975, just after 3 and 1/2 years of independence. Two of his daughters, Shiekh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, survived. In November 4, 1975, they killed 4 national leaders, cornerstone of our Liberation War: Syed Nazrul Islam, Taz Uddin Ahmed, Captain Mansoor Ali, and Kamrujjaman.

Without a doubt, Bangabandhu is the greatest Bangalee of our known history. He gave us a nation, a new country, a new identity. Even today, he is more powerful as dead than anyone of us alive.

Credits:All of the pictures and information in this book is contained in the book JATIR JANAK Father of the Nation, publised by Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Memorial Trust, Road 32, Dhanmondhi R/A, Dhaka-1209. This book was published in August 1, 1997 and available in Muktizuddha Jadughar, Dhaka

The murderers of Bangabandhu should be bringing back.

 

"Bangabandhu" Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: A Political Profile

 

1920

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920, in Tungipara village under the then Gopalganj subdivision (at present district) of Faridpur district .He was the third child among the four daughters and two sons of Sheikh Luthfur Rahman and Sheikh Sahara Khatun. His parents called him Khoka out of affection. Bangabandhu spent his childhood in Tungipara.

 

1927

At the age of seven, Bangabandhu began his shooling at Gimadanga Primary school. At nine, he was admitted to class three at Gopalganj Public School. Subsequently, he was transferred to a local Missionary School.

 

1934

Bangabandhu was forced to go for a break of study when, at the age of fourteen, one of his eyes had to be operated on.

 

1937

Bangabandhu returned to school after break of four years caused by the severity of an eye operation.

 

1938

At eighteen Mujib married Begum Fazilatunnesa.They later became the parents of two daughters, Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana and three sons, Sheikh Kamal, Sheikh Jamal and Sheikh Rassel. All the sons were to be killed along with their parents on 15 August, 1975.

 

1939

Bangabandhu's political career was effectively inaugurated while he was a student of Gopalganj Missionary School. He led a group of students to demand that cracked roof of the school be repaired when 'Sher-e-Bangla' A.K. Fazlul Haque, Chief Minister of undivided Bengal, came to visit the school along with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy.

1940

Sheikh Mujib joined the Nikhil Bharat Muslim Chathra Federation (All India Muslim Students Federation). He was elected councillor for a one year term.

 

1942

Sheikh mujibur Rahman passed the Entrance (Corrently Secondary School Certificate) examination. He then took admission as an intermidiate student in the Humanities faculty of Calcutta Islamia College, where he had lodgins at Baker Hostel. The same year Bangabandhu got actively involved with the movement for the creation of Pakistan.

1943

Sheikh Mujib's busy and active political career took off in the literal sense with his election as a Councillor of the Muslim League.

 

1944

Bangabandhu took part in the conference of All Bengal Muslim Students League held in Kushtia, where he played an important role. He was also elected Secretary of Faridpur District Association, a Calcutta-based organisation of the residents of Faridpur.

1946

Sheikh Mujib was elected General Secretary of Islamia College Students Union.

1947

Bangbandhu obtained Bachelor of Arts degree from Islamia College under Calcutta Universiy. When communal riots broke out in the wake of the partition of India and the birth of Pakistan, Bangabandhu played a pioneering role in protecting Muslims and trying to contain the violence.

 

1949

Bangabandhu took admission in the Law department of Dhaka University. He founded Muslim Students League on 4 January. He rose in spontaneous protest on 23 February when Prime Minister Khwaja Najimuddin in his speech at the Legislative Assembly declared: "The people of East Pakistan will accept Urdhu as their state language." Khwaja Najimuddin's remarks touched off a storm of protest across the country. Sheikh Mujib immediately plunged into hectic activities to build a strong movement against the Muslim League's premediated, heinous design to make Urdhu the only state language of Pakistan. He established contacts with students and political leaders. On 2 March, a meeting of the workers of different political parties was held to chart the course of the movement against the Muslim League on the language issue. The meeting held at Fazlul Haq Hall approved a resolution placed by Bangabandhu to form an All-party State League Action Council. The Action Council called for a general strike on 11 March to register its protest against the conspiracy of Muslim League against Bangla. On 11 March, Bangabandhu was arrested along with some colleagues while they were holding a demonstration in front of the Secretariat building. The student community of the country rose in protest folloing the arrest of Bangabandhu. In the face of strong student movement, Muslim League government was forced to release Bangabandhu and other students leaders on 15 March. Following his release, the All-party State Language Action Council held a public rally at Dhaka University Amtala on 16 March. Bangabandhu presided over the rally, which was soon set upon by the police. To protest the police action Bangabandhu announced a countrywide student strike for 17 March. Later, on 19 May, Bangabandhu led a movement in support of Dhaka University Class Four employees struggling to redress the injustice done to them by their employers. Mujib was arrested again on 11 September.

1948

Sheikh Mujib was released from jail on 21 January. Bangabandhu extended his support to a strike called by the Class Four employees of Dhaka University to press home their various demands. The university authorities illogically imposed a fine on him for leading the movement of the employees. He rejected the unjust order. Eventually, the Anti-Muslim League candidate Shamsul Huq won by-election in Tangailon 26 April . Mujib was arrested for staging a sit-in strike before the Vice-Chancellor's residence. When the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed on 23 June, Bangabandhu was elected its Joint Secretary despite his incarceration. He was released in late June. Immediately after his release, he began organising an agitation against the prevailing food crisis.In September he was detained for violating Section 144. Later, however, he was freed. He raised the demand for Chief Minister Nurul Amin's resignation at a meeting of the Awami Muslim League in October. The Awami Muslim League brought out an anti-famine procession in Dhaka on the occasion of Pakistan's Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to the province. Once again Bangabandhu was arrested and jailed, this time for two years and five months for leading the demonstration.

1952

On 26 January, Khwaja Najimuddin declare that Urdhu would be the state language of Pakistan. Though still in jail, Bangabandhu managed to play a leading role in organizing a protest against this announcement. From prison he sent out a call to the State Language Action Council to observe 21 February as Demand Day for releasing political prisoners and making Bangla the state language. He began a hunger strike on 14 February. On 21 February the student community violated Section 144 and brought out procession in Dhaka to demand the recognition of Bangla as the state language. Police opened fire, killing in the process Salam, Barkat, Rafiq, Jabbar, and Shafiur, who thus became martyrs of the Language Movement. In a statement from jail, Bangabandhu condemned the police firing and registered his strong protest. He was on hunger strike for 13 consecutive days. He was moved from Dhaka Central Jail to Faridpur Jail to prevent him from making contact with the organizers of the movement. He was released from jail on 26 February.

 

1953

On 9 July, Mujib was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami League at its council session. Efforts were made to forge unity among Moulana Bhashani, A.K.Fazlul Huq and Shaheed Suhrawardy with the objective of taking on the Muslim League at the general elections. To achieve this goal, a special council session of the party was called on 14 November, when a resolution to form the Juktha Front(United Front) was approved.

1954

The first general election were held on 10 March. The United Front won 223 seats out of a total of 237, including 143 captured by the Awami League. Bangabandhu swept the Gopalganj constituencey, defeating the powerful Muslim League leader Wahiduzzaman by a magin of 13,00 votes. On 15 May, Bangabandhu was given charge of the Ministry of Agriculture and Forests when the new provincial government was formed. On 29 May the Central Government arbitrarily dismissed the United Front Ministry. Bangabandhu was again arrested once he landed at Dhaka airport after a flight from Karachi on 30 May. He was freed on 23 December.

 

1955

Bangabandhu was elected a member of the legislative Assembly on June. The Awami League held a public meeting at Paltan Maidan on 17 June where it put forward a 21-point programme demanding autonomy for East Pakistan. On 23 June, the Working Council of the Awami League decided that its members would resign from the Legislative Assembly if autonomy was not granted to East Pakistan. On 25 August, Bangabandhu told Pakistan's Assembly in Karachi: "SIR, YOU WILL SEE THAT THEY WANT TO PLACE THE WORD 'EAST PAKISTAN' INSTEAD OF 'EAST BENGAL'. WE HAVE DEMANDED SO MANY TIMES THAT YOU SHOULD USE BENGAL INSTEAD OF PAKISTAN. THE WORD 'BENGAL' HAS A HISTORY, HAS A TRADITION OF ITS OWN. YOU CAN CHANGE ONLY AFTER THE PEOPLE HAVE BEEN CONSULTED. IF YOU WANT TO CHANGE IT THEN WE HAVE TO GO BACK IN BENGAL AND ASK THEM WHETHER THEY ACCEPT IT. SO FAR AS THE QUESTION OF ONE-UNIT IS CONCERNED IT CAN COME IN THE CONSTITUTION. WHY DO YOU WANT IT TO BE TAKEN UP JUST NOW ? WHAT ABOOUT THE STATE LANGUAGE, BENGALI? WE WILL BE PREPERED TO CONSIDER ONE-UNIT WITH ALL THESE THINGS. SO, I APPEAL TO MY FRIENDS ON THAT SIDE TO ALLOW THE PEOPLE TO GIVE THEIR VERDICT IN ANY WAY, IN THE FORM OF REFERENDUM OR IN THE FORM OF PLEBISCITE." On 21 October, the party dropped the word Muslim from its name at a spacial council of the Bangladesh Awami League, making the party a truly modern and secular one. Bangabandhu was re-elected General Secretary of the Party.

1956

On 3 February, Awami League leaders, during a meeting with the Chief Minister, demanded that the subject of provincial autonomy be included in the draft constitution. On 14 July, the Awami League at a meeting adopted resolution opposing the representation of the military in the administration . The resolution was moved by Bangabandhu. On 4 September, an anti-famine procession was brought out under the leadership of Bangabandhu defying Section 144. At least 3 people were killed when police opened fire in hte procession in Chawkbazar area. On 16 September, Bangabandhu joined the coalition government, assuming the charge of Industries, Commerce, Labour, Anti-Corruption and Village Aid Ministry.

1957

On 30 May, Bangabandhu resigned from the cabinet in response to a resolution of the Party to strengthen the organization by working for it full-time. On 7 August, he went on an official tour of China and the Soviet Union.

 

1958

Pakistan's President, Major General Iskandar Mirja, and the chief of Pakistan's Army, General ayub Khan, imposed martial law on 7 October and banned politics. Bangabandhu was arrested on 11 October. Thereafter he was continiously harassed through one false case after another. Released from prison after 14 months, he was arrested again at the jail gate.

 

1958

Bangabandhu was released from jail after he won a writ petition in the High Court. Then he started underground political activities against the marital law regime and dictator Ayub Khan. During this period he set up an underground organization called "Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Porishad", or Independent Bangla Revolutionary Council, comprising outstanding student leaders in order to work for the independence of Bangladesh.

1962

Once again Bangabandhu was arrested under the Public Security Act on 6 February. He was freed on 18 June, following the withdrawal of the four-year-long martial law on 2 June. On 25 June, Bangabandhu joined other national leaders to protest the measures introduced by Ayub Khan. On 5 July, he addressed a public rally at Paltan Maidan where he bitterly criticised Ayub Khan. He went to Lahore on 24 September and joined forces with Shaheed Suhrawardy to form the National Democratic Front, an alliance of the opposition parties. He spent the entire month of October travelling across the whole of Bengal along with Shaheed Suhrawardy to drum up public support for the front.

 

1963

Sheikh Mujib went to London for consultations with Suhrawardy, who was there for medical treatment. On 5 December, Suhrawardy died in Beirut.

 

1964

The Awami League was revitalized on 25 January at a meeting held at Bangabandhu's residence. The meeting adopted a resolution to demand the introduction of parliamentary democracy on the basis of adult franchise in response to public sentiment. The meeting elected Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish as party President and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib as General Secretary. On 11 March, an All-party Action Council was formed. Bangabandhu led a committee to resist communal riots. Following the riots he took the initiative to start a vigorous anti-Ayub movement. Bangabandhu was arrested 14 days before the presidential election.

1965

The government charged Sheikh Mujib with sedition and making objectionable statements. He was sentenced to a one year jail term. He was later released on an order of the High Court.

 

1966

On 5 February, a national conference of the opposition parties was held in Lahore. Bangabandhu placed his historic 6-point demand before the select committee of the conference. The 6-point demand was a palpable charter of freedom of the Bengali nation. On the first day of March, Bangabandhu was elected President of the Awami League. Following his election, he launched a campaign to obtain enthusiastic support for the 6-point demand. He toured the entire country . During his tour he was arrested by the police and detained variously at Sylhet, Mymensing and Dhaka several times, During the first quarter of the year he was arrested eight times. On 8 May, he was arrested again after his speech at a rally of jute mill workers in Narayanganj. A countrywide strike was observed on 7 June to demand the release of Bangabandhu and other political prisoners. Police opened fire during the strike and killed a number of workers in Dhaka, Narayanganjand Tongi.

 

1968

The Pakistan government instituted the notorious Agartala Conspiracy Case against Bangabandhu and 34 Bengali military and CSP officers. Sheikh Mujib was named accused number one in the case that charged the arrested persons with conspiring to bring about the secession of East Pakistan from the rest of Pakistan. The accused were kept detained inside Dhaka Cantonment. Demonstrations started throughout the province province demanding the release of Bangabandhu and the other co-accused in the Agartala Conspiracy Case. The trial of the accused began on 19 June inside Dhaka Cantonment amidst tight security.

 

1969

The Central Students Action Council was formed on 5 January to press for the acceptance of the 11-point demand of Bangabandhu. The council initiated a countrywide student agitationto force the government to withdraw the Agartala Conspiracy Case and release Bangabandhu. The agitation gradually developed into a mass movement. After months of protests, violation of Section 144 and curfews, firing by the police and the EPR and a number of casulties, the movement peaked into an unprecedented mass upsurge that forced Ayub Khan to convene a round-table conference of political leaders and annnounce Bangabandhu's release on parole. Bangabandhu turned down the offer of release in parole. On 22 February, the central government bowed to the continued mass protests and freed Bangabandhu and the other co-accused. The conspiracy case was withdrawn. The Central Students Action Council arranged a reception in honour of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on 23 February at the Race Course(Suhrawardy Uddyan). At this meeting of one million people, Mujib was publicly acclaimed as Bangabandhu(Friend of Bengal). In his speech on the occasion, Bangabandhu pledged his total support to the 11-point demand of the students.

On 10 March Bangabandhujoined the round- table conference called by Ayub Khan in Rawalpindi. At the conference, Bangabandhu placed the 6- point demand of his party and the 11-point of the students and said "To end the people's anger there is no alternative to the acceptance of the 6-point and 11-point demand and the granting of regional autonomy."

When the Pakistani polititians rejected his demand he left the conference on 13 March .The next day he returned to Dhaka . On 25 March Gen. Yahya Khan seized power and imposed martial law. On 25 October, Bangabandhu went to London on a three week organizational tour. On 5 December, Bangabandhu declared at a discussion meeting held to observe the death anniversary of Shaheed Suhrawardy that henceforth East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. He added "There was a time when all efforts were made to erase the word 'Bangla' from this land and its map . The existance of the word 'Bangla' was found nowhere except in the term Bay of Bengal. I, on be half of Pakistan, announce today that this land will be called 'Bangladesh' instead of 'East Pkistan '."

 

1970

Bangabandhu was re-elected President of the Awami League on 6 January. The Awami League at a meeting of the working committee on 1 April decided to take part in the general elections scheduled for later that year. On 7 June, Bangabandhu addressed a public meeting at Race Course ground and urged the people to elect his party on the issue of the 6-point demand . On 17 October, Bangabandhu selected the boat as his party 's elections symbol and launched his campaign through an election rally at Dhaka's Dholai Khal. On 28 October, he addressed the nation over radio and television and called upon the people to elect his party's candadates to implement the 6-point demand. When a deadly cyclonic storm hit the coastal belt of Bangladesh, killing at least one million people, Bangabandhu suspended his election campaign and rushed to the aid of the helpless people in the affected areas. He strongly condemned the Pakistani rulers' indifference to the cyclone victims and protested against it. He called on the international community to help the people affected by the cyclone. In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League gained an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 out of 169 National Assembly seats in the Provincial Assembly.

 

1971

On 3 January, Bangabandhu conducted the oath of the people's elected representatives at a meeting at the Race Course ground. The Awami League members took the oath to frame a constitution on the basis of the 6-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the people who had elected them. On 5 January, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, the leader of the majority party, the People's Party, in the then West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre with the Awami League. Bangabandhu was chosen as the leader of his party's parliamentary party at a meeting of the National Assembly members elected from his party . On 27 January, Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu. The talks collapsed after three days of deliberation. In an announcement on 13 February, President Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to convene in Dhaka on 3 March. On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In a statement on 16 February, Bangabandhu bitterly criticised the demaned of Bhutto and said, "The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power has to be handed over to the only majority party, the Awami League. The people of East Bengal are now the masters of power."

 

On 1 March, Yahya Khan abruptly postponed the National Assembly session, prompting a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Bangabandhu called an emergency meeting of the working committee of the Awami League, which called a countrywide hartal for 3 March. After the hartal was successfully observed, Bangabandhu on 3 March called on the President to immediately transfer power to his party.

On 7 March, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, addressed a mammoth publicrally at the Race Course ground, where he declared: "THE STRUGGLE NOW IS THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR EMANCIPATION, THE STRUGGLE NOW IS THE STRUGGLE FOR OUR INDEPENDENCE. JOI BANGLA ."

 

In this historic speech, Bangabandhu urged the nation to break the suckles of subjugation and declared, "SINCE WE HAVE GIVEN BLOOD, WE WILL GIVE MORE BLOOD. INSHALLAH, THE PEOPLE OF THIS COUNTRY WILL BE LIBERATED..... TURN EVERY HOUSE INTO A FORT. FACE(THE ENEMY) WITH WHATEVER YOU HAVE."

He advised the people to prepare themselves for a guerilla war against the enemy. He asked the people to start a total non-cooperation movement against the government of Yahya Khan. There were ineffectual orders from Yahya Khan on the one hand, while the nation, on the other hand, received directives from Bangabandhu's Road 32 residence. The entire nation carried out Bangabandhu's instructions. Every organization, including government offices, banks, insurance companies, schools, colleges mills and factories obeyed Bangabandhu's directives. The response of people of Bangladesh to Bangabandhu's call was unparalleled in history. It was Bangabandhu who conducted the administration of an independent Bangladesh from March 7 to March 25.

 

On 16 March, Yahya Khan came to Dhaka for talks with Bangabandhu on the issue of transfer of power. Bhutto also came a few days later to Dhaka for talks. The Mujib-Yahya-Bhutto talks continued until 24 March. Yahya Khan left Dhaka in the evining of 25 March, in secrecy. On the night of 25 March, the Pakistan Army cracked down on the innocent unarmed Bangalis. They attacked Dhaka University, the Peelkhana Headquarters of the then East Pakistan Rifles and the Rajarbagh Police Headquarters.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman read out a wireless message, moments after the crackdown began, declaring the independence of Bangladesh as 25 March gave away to 26 March . His declaration was transmitted over wireless to the country "THIS MAY BE MY LAST MESSAGE, FROM TODAYBANGLADESH IS INDEPENDENT. I CALL UPON THE PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH WHEREVER YOU MIGHT BE AND WITH WHATEVER YOU HAVE, TO RESIST THE ARMY OF OCCUPATION TO THE LAST. YOUR FIGHT MUST GO ON UNTIL THE LAST SOLDIER OF THE PAKISTAN OCCUPATION ARMY IS DRIVEN OUT THE SOIL OF BANGLADESH. FINAL VICTORY IS OURS."

 

He called upon all sections of people, including Bengali military and civilian personnel, students, workersa nd peasants, to join the resistance against the occupation Pakistan army. This message of Bangabandhu was immediately disseminated throughout the country through radio equipment under specialarrangements. The same night jawans and officers in Chittagong, Comilla and Jessore cantonments put up resistance to the Pakistan army after receiving this message. Bangabandhu's declaration was broadcast by Chittagong radio station. The Pakistan army arrested Bangabandhu from his Dhanmandi residence at 1:10 a.m. and whisked him away to Dhaka cantonment. On 26 March he was flown to Pakistan as a prisoner. The same day, General Yahya Khan, in a broadcast banned the Awami League and called Bangabandhu a traitor.

 

On 26 March M.A. Hunnan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Bangabandhu's declaration of independence over Chittagong Radio. On 10 April, the Provisional Revolutionary Government of Bangladesh was formed with Bangabandhu as President.

The revolutionary government took the oath of office on 17 a pril at the Amrakanan of Baidayanathtala in Meherpur, which is now known as Mujibnagar. Bangabandhu was elected President, Syed Nazrul Islam Acting President and Tazuddin Ahmed Prime Minister. The liberation war ended on 16 December when the Pakistani occupation forces surrendered at the historic Race Course ground accepting defeat in the glorious war led by the revolutionary government in exile. Bangladesh was finally free.

Earlier, between Aaugust and September of 1971, the Pakistani janta held a secret trial of Bangabandhu inside Lyallpur jail in Pakistan. He was sentenced to death. The freedom loving people of the world demanded absolute security of Bangabandhu's life. Once Bangladesh was liberated, the Bangladesh government demanded that Bangabandhu be released immediately and unconditionally. A number of countries, including India, and the Soviet Union and various international organizations urged the release of Bangabandhu. Pakistan had no right to hold Bangabandhu, who was the architect of Bangladesh had been recognised by many countries of the world.

1972

The Pakistan government freed Bangabandhu on 8 January 1972. Bangabandhu was seen off at Rawalpindi by Zulfiquar Ali Bhutto, by now Pakistani's President. The same day Bangabandhu left for London en rout to Dhaka. In London, British Prime Minister Edward Heath met him. On his way back home from London Bangabandhu had a stop-over in New Delhi, where he was received by Indian President V.V. Giri and Prime Minister Indira Gandi.

 

A memorable reception was accorded to Bangabandhu when the Father of the Nation reached Dhaka on 10 January. From the airport he drove straight to the Race Course ground where he made a tearful address before the country. On 12 January, Bangabandhu became Bangladesh's Prime Minister. On 6 February he left for a visit to India at the invitation of the Indian government. After twenty four years the Dhaka University authorities rescined his expulsion order and accorded him the Universities's life membership.

 

On 1 March he went to the Soviet Union on an official visit. The allied Indian army left Dhaka on 17 March at the request of Bangabandhu. On 1 May he announced a raise in the salary of class three and four employees of the government. On 30 July Bangabandhu underwent a gall bladder operation in London. From there he went to Geneva. On 10 October the World Peace Council conferred the Jullio Curie award on him. On 4 November, Bangabandhu announced that the first general election in Bangladesh would be held on 7 March, 1973. On 15 December Bangabandhu's government announced the provition of according state awards to the freedom fighters. On the first anniversary of liberation the Constitution of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh was adopted. Among the important achievements of the Bangabandhu government: The re-organization of the administrative system, adoption of the constitution, rehabiliation of one crore people, restoration and development of communication system, expansion of education, supply of fre books to students upto class five and at low price to students up to class eight, effective ban on all anti-Islamic and anti-social activities like gambling, horse races, liquor, establishment of Islamic foundation, re-organization of Madrassa Board, establlishedment of 11,000 primary schools, nationalization of 40,000 primary schools, establishment of women's rehabilitation centre for the welfare of distressed woman. Freedom Fighters Welfare Trust, waiving tax upto 25 bighas of land, distribution of agricultural inputs among farmers free of cost or at nominal price, nationalization of banks and insurance companies abandoned by the Pakistais and 580 industrial units, employment to thousands of workers and employees, construction of Ghorashal Fertilizer Factory, primary work of Ashugangj Complex and establishment of othe new industrial units and reopening of the closed industries. Thus Bangabandhu sucessfully built an infrastructure for the economy to lead the country towards progress and prosperity. Another landmark achievement of the Bangabandhu government was to gain recognition of almost all countries of the world and the United Nations membership in a short period of time.

 

1973

The Awami secured 293 out of the 300 Jatiya Sangsad(parliament) seats in the first general elections. On 3 September, the Awami League, CPB and NAP formed Oikya Front(United Front). On 6 September, Bangabandhu travelled to Algeria to attend the Non-aligned Movement Summit Conferrence.

 

1974

The Peoploe's Republic of Bangladesh was accorded membership of United Nations. On 24 September, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman addressed the UN General Assembly in Bangla.

 

1975

On 25 January country switched over to the presidential system of governance and Bangabandhu took over as President of the republic. On 24 February, Bangladesh Krishak Awami League, comprising all the poliotical parties of the country, was launched. On 25 February, Bangabandhu called upon all parties and leaders to join this national party. He felt the need for making Bangladesh a self-reliant nation by reducing dependence on forign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-reliance by reducing dependence on foreign aid. So he overhauled the economic policies to achieve the goal of self-relaince. He launched the Second revolution to make independence meaningful and ensure food, clothing, shelter, medicare, education and jobs to the people. The objectives of the revolution were: elimination of corruption, boosting production in mills, factories and fields, population control and established of national unity.

Bangabandhu received an unprecedented response to his call to achieve economic freedom by uniting the entire nation. The economy started picking up rapidly within a short time. Production oncreased. Smugling stoped. The prices of essentiala came down to within parchasing capacity of the common man. Imbued with new hope, the people unitedly marched forward to extend the benefits of independence to every doorstep. But that condition did not last long.

 

In the pre-dawn hours of August 15 the noblest and the greatest of Bangalees in a thousand years, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the Nation, was assassinated by a handful of ambitious and treacherous military officers. On that day, Bangabandhu's wife, a noble woman, Begum Fajilatunnesa; his eldest son, freedom fighter Sheikh Kamal; second son Lt. Sheikh Jamal; youngest son Sheikh Russel; two daughters-in-law, Sultana Kamal and Rosy Jamal; Bangabandhu's brother Sheikh Nasser; brothe-in-law and Agriculture Minister Abdur Rab Serniabat and his daughter Baby Serniabat; Bangabandhu's nephew, youth leader and journalist Sheikh Fajlul Huq Moni and his pregnant wife Arju Moni; Bangabandhu's security officer Brig. Jamil and a 14-year-old boy Rintoo were killed. In all, the killers slaughters 16 members and relatives of Bangadhu's family.

Martial law was imposed in the country after the killing of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Democracy was done away with and basic rights were snached away. Thus began the politics of killing, coups and conspiracy. The people's rights to food and vote were taken away. There is interntional provision to hold trial of killers to protect human rights in the world. But unfortunately in Bangladesh, a martial law ordinance was decreed(Indemnity Ordinance) exempting the self-confessed killers of Bangabandhufrom any trial. Having captured power illigally through a military coup, Gen. Ziaur Rahman debased the Constitution by incorporating the notorious Indemnity Ordinance in the Fifth Amendment to the Constitution. He rewarded the killers with jobs in Bangladesh diplomatic mission abroad. The Indemnity Ordinance was repealed by Parliament only after the Awami League led by Bangabandhu's daughter Sheikh Hasina returned to power in 1996. August 15, 1975 is the blackest day in our national life. The nation observes this day as National Mourning Day.

 

 

 


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